logo
Disabled children suffered higher rates of sexual abuse, Dáil hears during debate on historical abuse

Disabled children suffered higher rates of sexual abuse, Dáil hears during debate on historical abuse

Irish Times4 days ago
Children with disabilities experienced sexual abuse at a much higher rate than children without a disability, the
Dáil
heard as it debated historical child sexual abuse in day and boarding schools.
Minister of State for Special Education and Inclusion Michael Moynihan said the scoping inquiry leading to the newly established Commission of Investigation revealed the records of religious orders showed 'some 528 allegations of historical child sexual abuse across 17 special schools in respect of 190 alleged abusers'.
The
initial scoping inquiry
was told of some 2,395 allegations of historical sexual abuse in day and boarding schools run by religious orders. It was told it involved 884 alleged abusers in 308 schools countrywide between 1927 to 2013.
The Minister of State said 'many families entrusted the care of their children into these communities' and 'this is unlikely to be the full extent of the historical abuse in special schools'.
READ MORE
It was 'truly appalling that the additional vulnerabilities of children in special schools could be so exploited and there has to be accountability', Mr Moynihan said.
He was speaking during a debate on the motion to approve the draft order on the Commission of Investigation on the handling of historical child sexual abuse in day and boarding schools.
[
Government will 'pursue all levers' to make religious orders pay redress to victims of school sex abuse
Opens in new window
]
Sinn Féin TD Pat Buckley said he had lost many friends who had been abused and it took more than 20 years to find out what happened.
'I lost two friends in primary school where the abuse started and I wasn't aware of it.' He said 'people ran away from school, came back, qualified as solicitors and everything, and unfortunately ended their lives'.
He said some of the people who are responsible 'are still alive, some of the principals and vice-principals, Christian Brothers and lay teachers'.
Labour's Ciarán Ahern said the Government and other institutions of power 'have excelled in the past at covering up the reality of child sexual abuse'.
'We need only look at the Carrigan report in 1931 to see the DNA of denial that blighted child protection in Ireland from the State's foundation'.
The Dublin South-West TD said the Carrigan committee was appointed in 1930 and held 17 sessions. One witness, the police commissioner of the time, 'highlighted an alarming amount of sexual crime, increasing yearly, a feature of which was the large number of cases of criminal interference with girls and children from 16 years and downwards, many children under 10 years of age'.
He said the police commissioner believed that less than 15 per cent of sexual crime was being prosecuted but government chose not to publish the report.
Minister for Education Helen McEntee thanked 'every single survivor for their bravery, whether they were in a position to come forward or not'.
She also thanked the late Mark Ryan and his brother David who came forward for the RTÉ documentary Blackrock Boys, after which the Government established a scoping inquiry.
In an address to survivors she said: 'I am truly sorry for what was done to you and the devastating impacts it had on your lives, but I want to thank each and every person for their bravery.'
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Woman with black eye and newborn baby claims husband ‘kicked me and dragged me up and down'
Woman with black eye and newborn baby claims husband ‘kicked me and dragged me up and down'

Irish Times

time43 minutes ago

  • Irish Times

Woman with black eye and newborn baby claims husband ‘kicked me and dragged me up and down'

A woman who had a black eye when she came to the emergency domestic violence court with her newborn baby claimed her husband 'kicked me and dragged me up and down'. Two other women who brought separate emergency applications under the Domestic Violence Act to the court at Dolphin House, Dublin, on Friday, also had babies with them. When Judge William Aylmer remarked on the first woman's black eye, she said her husband kicked her and dragged her up and down and was abusive many times during their long marriage. She had given him 'loads of chances' to change his behaviour but he had not. 'I don't feel safe. I've had enough.' READ MORE 'He reckons the drink and drugs make him do this.' He also blamed his behaviour on trying to deal with several suicides in his birth family, she added. Her mother had told her she needed to 'wake up' and stop tolerating her husband's abusive behaviour. 'I have to think of my own health and the kids. He needs to stop his pity party.' Judge Aylmer, telling the woman he agreed with her, granted her a protection order. In another case, a weeping woman with a baby got a protection order against the child's father. He 'gets very angry out of nowhere', 'never stops' and she has spent two months asking him to leave her apartment, she said. He had a 'meltdown' some days earlier when she took the baby from him before he had finished changing her nappy. The baby was hiccupping and she took her up because she feared the infant was about to vomit, she said. He 'gritted' his teeth, called her 'disgusting' and put his finger in her face. 'The look on his face, I got really scared.' She had permitted him to live with her for periods and he kicked her out on some occasions, she said. 'I slept in a hotel when I was nine months pregnant because he would not give me a break.' They had gone to therapy but he had not taken agreed actions to address his issues, she said. 'I have no problem him having a relationship with his daughter but our relationship is over. I can't be with him.' A woman with a baby and toddler got an interim barring order against her partner. She said he physically abused her previously and recently forced his way out of their home after pushing her away from the door when she confronted him about a suspected affair. He grabbed her arm, leaving her with bruises, and when she sought to stop him leaving, drove his car towards her, scaring her, she said. He has not returned home and had told a social worker he did not intend to, she said. A distraught mother who told the judge she is in fear and has 'lost everything' as a result of her adult daughter's drug addiction got a protection order against her. Her daughter, aged in her thirties, told her 'one side of my brain is telling me to stab and slice you and the other side is saying 'that's your Mammy''. Her daughter had been in a violent relationship and has children, all of whom are being cared for by other family members. 'God help any other family going through this.' She paid €3,000 to drug dealers for her daughter's debts and her daughter constantly pesters her for money, especially at night. 'She is getting worse and worse, the drugs have her destroyed, she'll be at it again tonight, I can't bear it.' After she spent almost €500 getting her daughter into a treatment unit, she was thrown out due to excess drugs in her system, she said. Another treatment appointment was fixed for later this year. 'It's destroying me, all we're doing is ringing places trying to get her help and we're getting nowhere.' When the judge said drugs are a 'demon' and many are in the same position, the woman agreed. 'I can see the little kids being destroyed, they are little 'gofers' for them.' She grew up in a large family, none got involved in drugs, she never drank and 'worked hard all my life to put food on the table'. Many people she grew up with were dead from drugs. In another case, the judge granted a fresh protection order to a woman who said gardaí found a meat cleaver, which she did not know was there, in a box in her home after her ex-partner had threatened to 'chop me up'. He had been diagnosed with a serious mental illness and accused her of having listening devices in the house, she said. She previously got a protection order against him but gardaí could not locate him to serve it. She last saw him in May and did not know where he was.

We need to face up to the fact that not all middle-earners are squeezed
We need to face up to the fact that not all middle-earners are squeezed

Irish Times

time43 minutes ago

  • Irish Times

We need to face up to the fact that not all middle-earners are squeezed

While we have all been focusing endlessly on the latest Truth Social post from Donald Trump, the Coalition has been having backroom rows about its budget plans . Serious ones. A key document which sets the framework for the budget – the Summer Economic Statement – will be published next Tuesday. And alongside it will be the Government 's updated investment spending plans in the revised National Development Plan (NDP) . The game, in other words, is on. When you see the Independents who support the Government being filmed for the RTÉ News going to talk to senior ministers, you realise there is some good news coming and kudos to be sought for a new road or rail upgrade. But there will be tough calls, too. And it is no exaggeration to say that Tuesday will be a key moment for the Government as it signals a change of budgetary direction. The Coalition is going to go all in on State investment – energy, water and housing in particular. The catch is that to afford this, it is going to have to keep much tighter control on day-to-day spending and also end the once-off giveaways which have been a feature of the last few budgets. It will sell the message of restraint now allowing for investment for the future. Bread tomorrow is never an easy strategy to sell to voters – but that is what the Coalition is going to try to do. There will still be some extra cash in the budget for State services and welfare and – probably – a modest tax package. Talk of a 'tough budget' is nonsense – look at France where spending cuts, tax hikes and cutting two bank holidays were put on the table this week. But Irish voters have become accustomed to their budget day goodies – and there is going to be one heck of a political row when the penny drops that they are not going to feature this October. READ MORE Given the risks ahead and the State's reliance on tax payments from a few multinationals, the brakes do need to be put on. Spending has soared and Departmental targets set in the budget are regularly exceeded. Central Bank researchers estimated in June that permanent Government spending has risen by a hefty 37 per cent since 2021. Had the 'rule' to limit State spending growth to 5 per cent been adhered to, the increase would have been 16 per cent. There has simply been little culture of spending control and reinstating it is not going to be easy at a time when demands on public services are growing. Meanwhile, 'once-off payments' – repeated so often now that the term is an offence to the English language – have a serious budget price, costing more than €2 billion in the last package, which was a reduction on earlier years. The most expensive elements have been the universal payments to all households in areas like energy credits in the annual cost-of-living packages. Budget ministers Paschal Donohoe and Jack Chambers have been saying there will be no cost-of-living package this year ; for now, at least, it seems that the rest of the Cabinet are signed up to this. Ministers will spot the political dangers. Households have started to get used to the annual boost and will feel a bit less well-off. The Opposition will scream. But continuing to throw out the universal once-off payments would be a poor use of money, benefiting many for whom the cash is nice, but not necessary. Better to use what funds are available to build up permanent supports and improved services, focused on those who need them. The cost of living is high , for sure, but it is a farce to portray all households as 'hard-pressed', or everyone in the middle ground as 'squeezed'. Effective policy should help those who genuinely are – like many younger families – through better services in areas like childcare and health, rather than repeating the annual cash giveaways. [ Government 'feckless' with public money, Social Democrats claim in budget row Opens in new window ] Meanwhile, with the sums tightening considerably , the Coalition's 'solemn promise' – as Simon Harris put it – to cut the hospitality VAT rate back to 9 per cent is looking like a 'repent at leisure' moment. Even if this is restricted just to food businesses, it will cost €550 million a year. When other demands are being turned down and 'restraint' is the message , this is not going to be an easy sell for the Coalition. The all-in bet on State investment is driven by a view in Cabinet that housing, water and energy provision have all reached a crisis point – an argument being hammered home to them by big investors. Tariffs and Trump are the most discussed threat to future investment – and do indeed pose fundamental questions. But if Ireland does not put forward a plan to develop infrastructure, then investment is going to drift away, whatever happens in the White House. [ Focus in Budget 2026 has to be on transforming infrastructure, Martin says Opens in new window ] This will be mightily expensive. As well as controlling spending elsewhere, the Government will have to run down its annual budget surplus – and there are some risks here. However, it is still legally obliged – barring a downturn – to keep putting cash away in two funds designed to support future spending and investment. As well as finding the cash, the Coalition has to show it can actually deliver big projects – and more housing – an area where the previous administration performed poorly. And it needs to heed the warnings from the Central Bank and the Fiscal Council that if the State keeps pumping out cash across the board, then it will just add fuel to an economy already at full capacity, making it even harder to deliver on the infrastructure programme. Having had a stumbling and slow start, the Government is about to roll the dice for the rest of its term. Its more serious players will know that threats from across the Atlantic could damage the favourable economic position and budget outlook, and might require mid-flight adjustments in these plans. There will be some reassurance that there is €30 billion in cash and liquid assets down the back of the State couch, but also a realisation that if the trends change fundamentally this only goes so far. But sitting and doing nothing does not look like a clever strategy. Investment is the right direction for the Government to take. It will all come down to delivery. And to a bit of luck that Trump's policies, while inevitably damaging, do not upend things completely.

As abortions triple, when will we admit that reluctant repealers were profoundly wrong?
As abortions triple, when will we admit that reluctant repealers were profoundly wrong?

Irish Times

timean hour ago

  • Irish Times

As abortions triple, when will we admit that reluctant repealers were profoundly wrong?

Strange, isn't it, how often this pattern repeats? We are assured in stentorian tones that not only is something never going to happen, but it is scaremongering and manipulative even to suggest that it will. Then we are told that it has happened, and furthermore, it is unequivocally a good thing. Before the repeal of the Eighth Amendment, we were assured that all that would happen was that a similar number to the 2,879 women who travelled to England and Wales in 2018 would no longer have to do so. Then-tánaiste Simon Coveney believed the argument, though he said 'removing the equal right to life of the unborn from our Constitution [was] not something I easily or immediately supported'. In an oped, he said any woman choosing abortion after a three-day waiting period and other safeguards 'is very likely to have travelled to the UK or accessed a pill online in the absence of such a system being available in Ireland'. He and other reluctant repealers were promised that numbers of abortions would not rise rapidly and inexorably. The latest abortion figures show 10,852 abortions in Ireland in 2024 . There were 54,062 live births in 2024 . For every five babies born alive, one was aborted. READ MORE Is there no number of abortions that would be unacceptable? If one in two pregnancies was ending in abortion, would that be too many? UK Department of Health figures show the number of women giving Irish addresses for abortions halved between 2001 and 2018, with a 5 per cent drop from 2017. Numbers were dropping before Repeal, in other words. Even allowing for the tiny number in 2018 of Irish-based women having abortions in the Netherlands and those using illegal abortion pills, the rise in numbers of abortions is shocking. Some 55,000 of them have taken place in Ireland since Repeal. The reality is that restrictions on abortion reduce abortion numbers. US advocacy group Secular Pro-life has a useful summary of the evidence. Many studies claiming restrictive abortion laws don't lower rates overlook socio-economic factors. Most countries with strict laws have low economic development, and poorer nations tend to have higher abortion rates. This important confounding factor is often ignored. As a relatively wealthy liberal democracy that banned abortion, our abortion rates were much lower. Abortion numbers can triple, and still Ireland refuses to acknowledge that the reluctant repealers were wrong, wrong, wrong. The Eighth was saving lives in the thousands. We collect statistics on where abortions happen in Ireland and under what part of the legislation, and virtually nothing else. We seem to have zero interest in the reasons why women have abortions – whether it is poverty, lack of support, or housing. Is that because we don't want to look too closely at anything that might undermine the idea that abortion is just another healthcare procedure? At some level, people know well that abortion is unlike any healthcare procedure. English singer Lily Allen recently sang a flippant parody of My Way about not knowing exactly how many abortions she had. It was probably five. Many pro-choice people were shocked. The comments on the BBC video of the podcast she hosts with Miquita Oliver, who has also had 'about five' abortions, showed the conflict people felt. Some pro-choice people felt that by saying the only justification needed for abortion is 'I don't want a f**king baby', she had handed ammunition to the anti-abortion advocates. [ Breda O'Brien: Ableist legislation shows lives of those with Down syndrome are less valuable Opens in new window ] Others disagreed, with comments such as: 'It's important to support any abortions for any reason. If you start putting restrictions on who can have them, how many they're allowed, and how they must act when they've had them ... well, you're not pro-choice.' I am not interested in dumping on Allen or Oliver. Allen has spoken about losing her virginity at 12, about a 19-year-old friend of her father's who bought her drinks and 'had sex with me' when she was 14, and about living through her teens to her 30s in a haze of drugs, alcohol and mental ill-health. (By the way, we have no idea how many women are coerced into abortion, even though domestic violence campaigners tell us it happens in Ireland, including one under 18-year-old who was locked in a room and forced to take abortion pills.) Allen and Oliver are not alone in joking about abortion. Irish comedian Katie Boyle has a comedy show about her experience of having an abortion aged 34 in the US, which caused the presenters of the Morning Show on Ireland AM to laugh. Nonetheless, most people still react with shock when abortion is treated as contraception – or a joke. It reminds me of debating in the past with people who were adamantly pro-choice, who visibly flinched when the number of babies with Down syndrome who are aborted was mentioned . Their humanitarian, pro-disability rights instincts conflicted with their other deeply held beliefs about the right to choose to end early human lives. The problem is that while bans and restrictions on abortion did decrease rates, those of us who consider ourselves pro-life depended on the legal ban while underestimating how the culture was changing. To keep abortion figures low in a well-off democracy, we needed to persuade people to build a woman-friendly society where pitting women's rights against the next generation's right to life became an unthinkable and completely outdated dilemma. The failure to do so really is no laughing matter.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store