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Traoré's Revolution versus South Africa's Death Project

Traoré's Revolution versus South Africa's Death Project

IOL News3 days ago
Burkina Faso's junta leader Captain Ibrahim Traore attends a meeting.
Image: Angelos Tzortzinis / AFP
In Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traoré shows the world what it means when an African people refuse to kneel before empire. He has expelled French military forces, reclaimed foreign mining contracts, and redirected national resources toward housing, healthcare, education, and food sovereignty. Sovereignty is not symbolic. It is control over land, minerals, water, and the architecture of daily survival. His politics are not shaped for donor applause or international approval. There is no hiding behind human rights frameworks or soft-focus governance talk. It is the seizure of power and resources back into African hands.
In South Africa, the trajectory moves through an entirely different landscape. This is not simply a matter of corruption or failed governance. What unfolds before us, under the weight of the so-called Government of National Unity, is the multi-pronged roll-out of a corporate and state-driven war on African life, African collectivism, African revolutionary possibility.
Mass unemployment, dispossession, the collapse of public health, the erosion of education, militarised policing in the townships, the criminalisation of Black masculinity, systemic violence against women and children, vigilante terror, and the suffocating normalisation of African poverty form the architecture of this war. Circling around it are the donor-funded NGO campaigns, the media spectacles, the safety and social cohesion projects, the curated dialogues, the public rituals of 'reform' designed to seduce people into believing the system is repairing itself. But this system is not repairing. It is evolving. It is refining. It is perfecting its capacity for devastation.
The mining-industrial complex is its central engine. Multinational corporations, ANC elites, DA neoliberals, white monopoly capital, comprador classes – each holds its place in the circuitry. African minerals are ripped from the earth by the destruction of Black labour and Black communities. These minerals flow outward, become weapons, electronics, luxury goods, industrial tools, then return to the continent as commodities priced beyond African control. African economies are locked as suppliers, locked as dependent consumers, locked out of ownership.
The ANC operates as a broker between capital and the people, using the worn-out language of struggle to contain revolt while smoothing the way for foreign and local elite profits. The DA offers up a streamlined neoliberalism, promising efficiency to investors. These are not rival projects. They are two faces of the same extractive order.
Black-on-Black violence is treated as an inevitable pathology, but it is not accidental. It is actively produced and inflamed to keep the population fragmented. Township disorder, ethnic tensions, factionalised politics, so-called xenophobic attacks pull public attention away from the mineral contracts, the land transfers, the capital flows. They become the ground on which militarised policing expands, where repression becomes ordinary, where state force in Black life is made common sense. Mining companies extract. Political elites contain. Media channels flood the public with images of chaos. Communities beg for order. The security apparatus swells. Investors relax. This is not dysfunction. This is design.
The deepest violence is that the poor, the working class, and the Black middle class are swept into supporting the very system consuming them. Survival in untransformed spaces produces the desperate belief that safety comes through harder policing, tougher leadership, and stricter state control. There is no political party, no police general, no NGO or donor agency committed to protecting the African poor from the system that profits from their dispossession. They exist to protect the elite.
Steve Biko wrote that the wealth of a country must ultimately be enjoyed by the people whose labour has created it, and that only on this basis can a just system be built. Without land, without mineral sovereignty, without water and food security, without collective control over the means of survival, there is no justice. There is only punishment, repression, and a deepening spectacle of containment dressed up as governance.
When militarised crackdowns sweep through township streets, when extrajudicial killings dominate headlines, when clean-up operations leave death scattered in their aftermath, it is the poor who carry the weight. The spectacle is for the wealthy, for middle-class nerves, for investor confidence. For the poor, it escalates the risk of becoming the target, the casualty, the forgotten.
The conditions tearing at South Africa's majority – mass unemployment, forced removals, gangsterism seeded by economic hopelessness, relentless insecurity – will never be addressed through trigger-happy authoritarianism. Uniformed raids, televised arrests, and open killing on the streets do not touch the core devastation. Only a revolutionary project like Traoré's – a project that fights for sovereignty, reclaims land and resources, breaks the stranglehold of foreign and local elites, and turns dignity into redistribution – carries the force to cut into the root.
The tragedy is not only that the resource-deprived and exhausted poor are sacrificed for the security of the elite. It is that they are drawn into cheering for it, pulled into the fantasy that the war crushing them is being waged on their behalf. This is the final cruelty of the neoliberal state: to transform the oppressed into spectators of their own suppression, applauding as the spectacle moves forward, until the moment the weapons shift and the streets erupt and the false skin of protection is torn away.
Marikana was not an episode. It became the template. It became the blueprint for how to discipline the Black working class the moment it threatens to interrupt extraction. The public is taught to demand more policing, more militarisation, more containment. The true architects of dispossession – the mining bosses, the landowners, the financiers, the global firms – remain protected. And Marikana never ended. It rolls out over many landscapes and locations in the brutal killing of the poor.
South Africa is not crumbling. It is functioning precisely as designed. Global capital flows through it with surgical precision, co-opting popular figures, funding intelligence-linked NGOs, saturating media space with distraction, and keeping the pipelines of extraction unbroken.
As a white South African, I have been inside academia, media, and the NGO world, witnessing firsthand how whiteness operates – how it slips easily into human rights language, donor discourse, and faux social justice branding. The human rights and NGO industrial complex is not a space of care. It is camouflage. It is capture. It is part of the machinery that feeds on African dispossession while performing the language of solidarity, protection, and benevolence. It is the shield that pacifies, the soft cover that allows the most brutal devastations to proceed without interruption. It functions as a carefully engineered buffer zone against the inevitable explosion of Black rage.
This, I have come to name for what it is – not humane, not beneficial, but a cold, deliberate, knowing evil. And it is why I know with clarity that no commission, no election, no imported model will transform this system designed to preserve the wealth and power of the privileged while managing, containing, and brutalising the poor. Only full-scale revolution will alter the material and ontological condition of the majority. Only the radical reclaiming of what has been stolen will break the cycle.
Today, perhaps, a South African Traoré has been born. Perhaps she or he is a child now, waiting to emerge. But liberation will not come from one leader alone. The people of South Africa will rise. They will cast off foreign capital, expel comprador elites, break white monopoly power, dismantle intelligence-embedded NGOs, strip donor gatekeepers of legitimacy, and unseat the local managers of empire.
The future will be reclaimed by African hands because behind this orchestrated roll-out of Black-on-Black violence, the collective spirit of the ancestors continues to whisper that the work of liberation can no longer be postponed. That whisper is already thickening, already gathering at the edges of the present, and soon it will break into a scream that will shatter a system that has no intention of yielding, no intention of returning what has been stolen, no intention of loving or respecting the people to whom this land belongs. It will take everything until it is forced to stop. And that force is rising.
Ibrahim Traoré's revolutionary stance in Burkina Faso challenges the status quo, while South Africa grapples with systemic injustices and the struggle for true sovereignty.
Image: IOL
*Gillian Schutte is a film-maker, and a well-known social justice and race-justice activist and public intellectual.
** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
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Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ What Mashele conveniently ignores is that infrastructure under apartheid was race-coded. Paved roads, water services, and electricity were concentrated in white suburbs, while black townships and rural areas were systematically underdeveloped. In my own experience, growing up and living in places like Ntabamhlophe (western KwaZulu-Natal) or Ngobi (North West), traffic lights were non-existent—and still are, three decades into democratic rule under the ANC. These areas were not marginalised by accident but were designed to be so. Their underdevelopment was deliberate and institutionalised. To recall apartheid's so-called efficiency without context is to ignore its structural violence. Mashele's nostalgia constructs a binary: ANC equals decay; apartheid equals order. This formulation is historically inaccurate and morally indefensible. It is akin to praising the punctuality of trains under fascist regimes while ignoring the concentration camps they served. As Walter Rodney warned, colonial systems did not merely 'fail' to develop Africa, they underdeveloped it by design. Apartheid was no different. Mashele's technological nostalgia exemplifies what Jacob Dlamini identifies as 'restorative nostalgia', a desire to recover a mythical past cleansed of its oppressive foundations. This mode of nostalgia sanitises apartheid's brutality by fixating on its superficial order. In contrast, Dlamini's notion of 'reflective nostalgia' offers a more honest reckoning: a mourning of apartheid-era community networks or certainties that were fractured not by freedom itself, but by democracy's failure to fulfil its emancipatory promise. Therefore, true memory must confront, not conceal, the violence that underwrote apartheid's oppressive order. Mamdani's concept of 'decentralised despotism' in colonial governance is particularly instructive here. The apartheid state was a textbook case of bifurcated rule, where civil rights and services were afforded to whites. Meanwhile, black South Africans were governed through tribal authorities and customary law in the Bantustans. Infrastructure was not neutral but was weaponised to entrench spatial exclusion. This remains evident today, where apartheid's geography persists under a different political dispensation. To compare the pothole-free roads of white Pretoria in the 1980s to ANC-run municipalities in Limpopo today, without examining these spatial legacies, is disingenuous. The real question Mashele should be asking is why the ANC has failed to transform places like Ngobi, not why Sandton looks better maintained. What Mashele should be saying is that the ANC has not changed much in these places, because it inherited and perpetuated apartheid's geography. Indeed, the ANC has betrayed many of its foundational promises. Its 1994 Ready to Govern manifesto envisioned one million homes, 2.5 million electrified households, and a comprehensive public works programme to redress historical inequality. Instead, the neoliberal turn, engineered in part with the guidance of apartheid-era finance figures like Derek Keys and 'new' South Africa economic policy czars (Trevor Manuel, Thabo Mbeki, and Tito Mboweni), saw the abandonment of redistributive infrastructure plans in favour of market-led growth. This ideological surrender created the vacuum now filled by elite corruption and administrative collapse. Auditor-General reports confirm the rot: only three of 35 national departments received clean audits in recent years. Provinces like Limpopo have required constitutional interventions due to a total failure in service delivery. In this context, Mashele's outrage is justified. But to project this dysfunction onto a narrative that vindicates apartheid's design is intellectually dishonest. Fanon, in Black Skin, White Masks, explains this internalisation of colonial values as part of a broader inferiority complex. The formerly oppressed, he warns, may begin to admire the coloniser's systems, not because they were just, but because they were stable. Mashele's obsession with working traffic lights is a symptom of this pathology, a longing for colonial order dressed as political critique. This is not speaking truth to power, but speaking comfort to whiteness. The rise of self-proclaimed political analysts who gain traction through unchecked criticism of the ANC is not unexpected. It is part of South Africa's vibrant democratic culture. Such voices are indispensable. But they must be rooted in historical truth. As Edward Said argued in Representations of the Intellectual, the true public intellectual must interrogate power without becoming its tool. In contrast, Mashele's commentary risks becoming a performance of analysis, divorced from the very people it purports to represent. The danger lies not in criticism of the ANC, that is both necessary and overdue, but in what is lost when such critique adopts the language and assumptions of apartheid's defenders. Mashele's claim that the ANC 'broke the robots' implies that apartheid had a universal standard of governance. It did not. It had a racially exclusive logic. If the robots worked in town, it is because they were not meant to work in Seshego or Ntabankulu. Who, then, does Mashele speak for? Not the residents of Ntabamhlophe or Mogwase, who still wait for paved roads and functioning clinics. Not the youth of Nkowankowa, who must walk kilometres for access to water or schooling. He speaks not from the margins, but from a middle-class, or 'Grand Estate', vantage point that measures progress in suburban conveniences, rather than in structural transformation. Mashele's comments also obscure the ANC's complicity in failing to reverse apartheid's spatial logic. Post-1994 housing developments were often built on peripheral land, perpetuating apartheid's spatial exclusions. As urban scholar Neil Klug notes, these areas were poorly serviced and isolated, replicating the 40-40-40 rule: 40 km from the city, 40-square-metre homes, requiring 40% of income for commuting. This is not liberation but stagnation under new management. Patrick Bond's analyses of post-apartheid neoliberalism highlight how state-led, investor-friendly policies replaced development. The result: infrastructure for the elite, neglect for the majority. While 4.7 million 'housing opportunities' were created, 2.4 million families remain without homes. The state has effectively become a site of accumulation for a political class, rather than a vehicle for redistribution. Fanon warned that a national bourgeoisie that mimics colonial forms without dismantling them will eventually become 'the transmission belt between the nation and international capital.' This prophecy now defines the ANC's trajectory. However, even as we confront this reality, we must not let nostalgia obscure the past. 'There were no potholes' is not an argument but a mirage. Infrastructure that excludes cannot be glorified simply because it functioned for some. South Africa's future demands a radical reorientation. Mamdani speaks of the need to 'unmake permanent minorities' — to reverse spatial, economic, and legal segregation through systemic reform. That means reparative urban planning, land reform, and dignified service delivery — not superficial comparisons between the towns that excluded us and the municipalities that now ignore us. It means remembering that functioning infrastructure for the few is not a standard, but a sign of inequality. Again, the freedom the black majority wants is not material excess or socioeconomic rights alone, but more. Liberation is not measured by traffic lights alone, but by dignity, equity, and memory. The robots in white suburbs worked because the state ensured they would, at the expense of the black majority's humanity. To forget that is to betray those still waiting for the freedom promised at dusty crossroads where robots never gleamed. Potholes are real, but so is the history that built them—and the future we owe to those still left behind. Siyayibanga le economy! * Siyabonga Hadebe is an independent commentator based in Geneva on socio-economic, political and global matters. ** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL. Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

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