logo
Haidar Eid on writing about Gaza: ‘Resistance means existence'

Haidar Eid on writing about Gaza: ‘Resistance means existence'

Mail & Guardian2 days ago
From the margin: Academic and author Haidar Eid is a refugee from Gaza and uses his writing to tell the story of oppression and genocide.
In December 2023,
He left his extended family behind, including his brother and sister, as well as his colleagues at the university where he worked. He has lost 65 relatives, 38 colleagues and many students since
Eid said he hesitated to check his WhatsApp out of fear of learning of another loss of a loved one stuck in the throes of Israel's genocide in
He refers to it as an 'incremental genocide' in his latest book, Banging on the Walls of the Tank: Dispatches from Gaza, a reference to a form of resistance through people writing their own narrative.
Eid is an academic in literature and cultural studies. He used to teach at the Al Aqsa University in Gaza, Palestine, before it was turned to rubble. He obtained a PhD from the University of Johannesburg and is an associate professor at the University of Pretoria.
His latest book is a collection of essays and articles he wrote and published during the Israeli onslaught on Gaza and the 'hermetic blockade' that was imposed on it since 2007. It follows his 2023 book,
Decolonising the Palestinian Mind
, and his 2017 publication,
Worlding Post-modernism
.
He draws on the South African experience with apartheid to inform his framework of Israel's system of oppression of Palestinians, which he said has reached new heights of injustice and dehumanisation.
'Occupation is only one form of oppression of the Palestinian — you have occupation, you have apartheid and you have settler colonialism, and now you have genocide.'
He explains in his book, which chronicles his experiences from the 22-day war in January 2009 to his reflections in October 2024 (one year after the 7 October attack) of how Israel has managed to convince the international community not to do anything.
The 22-day war started on 27 December 2008 and ended on 18 January 2009 — and was the cause of the deaths of 1 300 Palestinians, including children, women, medics, journalists, foreigners and older people.
Eid recalled the moment Israel launched an attack.
'It was 11:10 and I was driving past the peace headquarters in Gaza. Ten minutes after that, they attacked. Had I been 10 minutes late, you know, what would have happened?
'They attacked, and they chose the time when there were school shifts — so kids were leaving school and that's why so many children got killed; 270 people within three minutes got killed — that continued for 22 days.'
Eid is also one of the founders of the Boycott Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement and he argues in his book about the movement's strength and ability to isolate Israel and grant Palestinians their basic human rights.
Their three demands are: the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, the implementation of the United Nations resolution calling for the right of return and the end of apartheid in Israel and the end of racist laws.
The BDS movement, and the global recognition of Palestinian struggles and rights, which was also signalled by South Africa's case at the International Court of Justice and the election of Zohran Mamdani into the New York State Assembly in June — a vocal supporter of Palestine's right to exist — have inspired Eid to conclude Palestine is having its South African moment.
He said the Sharpeville massacre on 21 March 1960, when police opened fire on protesters, killing 69 people, was South Africa's watershed moment, which gave momentum to the global boycott and divestment movement against the country's oppressive regime, and soon, that will be the case for Gaza.
Banging on the Walls of the Tank traverses the attacks that happened in 2012, 2014 and again in 2017 — when he joined the Great March of Return.
He recalls in his book the losses he had to endure, including his parents, who both died in 2005, his neighbours and their children, his students and colleagues at the universities where he taught; and many of these were even before the 7 October attack.
He remembered the moment he spoke to one of his students just three hours before he was killed.
'They were doing their master's and they had two little babies. They had left their house in Jabalia in the north and moved with his in-laws to a refugee camp, and then they killed him together with his in-laws and his daughters and his wife.'
Visibly heartbroken as he went through the lists of people who died as a result of Israel's attack on Palestine, he said he still has the hope of returning to his village, Zarnuqa, one day.
'I'm a refugee. My parents, before 1948 they were living in a village called Zarnuqa. Both of my parents died in 2005. I was not allowed to go to the funeral because I was not in Gaza.
'My father died in January, my mother died in May, both dreaming of the day when they would return to their village. If you come now and ask my two little kids, just like this, 'Where are you from?', they would say, 'I'm from Zarnuqa.' They inherit this concept of right of return and this is what gives me hope.'
He said his writing about his experiences with Israel's regime is both a tool of resistance and remembrance.
'To be able to write, it's important to give a voice to the voiceless. This is not my personal story. It's a story of every single Palestinian.
'For us, resistance means existence. Existence means resistance, it's mutual. For us to exist, we have to resist. We are resisting because we want to exist.'
Eid said that as a matter of principle, he never wanted to leave Gaza; but he did so for the sake of his children.
And now he watches everyday as his home disappears into the dust.
He said he has 'survivor's guilt' but what is crucial for him now is to keep amplifying the story of Gaza, the resilience of Palestinians and to fight for its right to exist as a sovereign state.
'In other words, I'm using international law as a tool of struggle in my search for freedom and equality; and this way, if you noticed, when you asked me about BDS, I said: freedom, equality and justice. Equality. That's the solution to apartheid.'
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Netanyahu's doctrine: Divide, delay, deny
Netanyahu's doctrine: Divide, delay, deny

Mail & Guardian

timea day ago

  • Mail & Guardian

Netanyahu's doctrine: Divide, delay, deny

Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump talk ceasefire, but it asks Palestinians to stop resisting without asking Israel to stop its occupation. (File image) There are few phrases as overused — and as tragically misused — as 'a window for peace' in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is trotted out with a ritualistic cadence every time the bombs fall silent and the diplomats descend. This time it emerges from a Washington dinner attended by Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump — two men long adept at political spectacle, but rarely known for moral substance. The talk of a new ceasefire in Gaza offers, on its face, a glimmer of hope. The Strip is a place where the air is thick with the dust of collapsed homes, and where the miracle isn't peace, but survival. And yet, even before the ink dries on any truce, the scepticism hangs heavy, particularly among Palestinians. They've seen this film before. It doesn't end with peace. To understand why this moment feels so hollow, one must consider not only the ruins of Gaza, but the policies of Netanyahu, a man whose political longevity is tethered to perpetuating conflict while feigning its resolution. For decades, Netanyahu has oscillated between the language of diplomacy and the logic of domination. He knows how to say 'ceasefire' in English, but he governs in the syntax of siege. The ceasefire proposed by Trump, with his transactional mindset offers no fundamental change to the dynamics on the ground. It does not address the blockade that has strangled Gaza for more than a decade. It does not halt settlement expansion. It does not reverse the creeping annexation of the West Bank or dismantle the machinery of occupation. It is a ceasefire that asks the Palestinians to stop resisting without ever asking Israel to stop its occupation. It is a ceasefire designed to serve political, not humanitarian, ends. Netanyahu is a man under siege himself — politically, legally, historically. He faces corruption trials, mass protests and the erosion of his international credibility. A diplomatic breakthrough — even an illusory one — offers a momentary reprieve. Trump, meanwhile, grasps at the mirage of foreign policy gravitas to bolster his own narrative of indispensability. But Palestinians are not interested in the optics. They are interested in survival. And dignity. For Netanyahu, however, dignity is a negotiable concept. His government, backed by some of the most extreme figures in Israeli political history, has launched not only a military offensive against Gaza, but a political offensive against Palestinian identity itself. The latest manifestation of this is a grotesquely surreal proposal to divide the West Bank into clan-based 'emirates', beginning with Hebron. As though Palestine were a medieval patchwork waiting for feudal patrons. It is a return to the colonial playbook — divide and rule, rebranded. The Netanyahu doctrine, if it can be called that, seeks not only to weaken the Palestinian leadership, but to erase Palestinian nationhood. If you cannot kill the cause,then atomise it. Replace national aspirations with tribal loyalties. Swop the Palestine Liberation Organisation for compliant clan leaders. Redraw the map not with borders, but with fractures. The absurdity of it all lies in its transparency. Sheikh Wadee Al-Jaabari's supposed appeal to create a Hebron emirate is so out of sync with the prevailing mood among Palestinians — whose national consciousness has been hardened, not diluted, by years of occupation — that it reads like parody. It's a fiction, dressed up as a plan, broadcast in hopes that desperation might breed compliance. In Gaza, the same script plays out in darker hues. Unable to defeat Hamas, Israel is reportedly supporting a criminal gang led by Yasser Abu Shabab — accused of hoarding humanitarian aid and sowing chaos. The goal appears to be less about restoring order than manufacturing a vacuum that Israel alone can fill. And even when cooperation is offered — from the Palestinian Authority itself — it is rejected. Why? Because the PA, for all its flaws, insists on Palestinian statehood. And for Netanyahu's government, that is the original sin. This refusal to engage with legitimate Palestinian leadership is not new. It has roots that run deep into Israel's post-1967 strategy. From undermining the Arab Higher Committee during the British Mandate to the 'village leagues' of the 1970s and 80s, Israel has long sought to create alternative leaderships that fragment the Palestinian people. The outcome has always been the same: failure. And yet Netanyahu persists. Because in failure lies convenience. So long as Palestinian leadership is divided or delegitimised, there is no partner for peace — and therefore no peace to be made. The status quo, brutal though it may be, becomes self-justifying. But the status quo is cracking. International support for Palestinian self-determination is quietly growing. France and Saudi Arabia are preparing to co-host a United Nations summit on the two-state solution. And in the wake of devastation, a younger Palestinian generation is coalescing around a renewed sense of identity, one that is unbending in its demand for rights, not favours. What Netanyahu fails to understand — or refuses to admit — is that nationhood is not dismantled by manipulating maps or manufacturing surrogates. It is affirmed by suffering, resistance, memory. This is why the latest ceasefire proposal cannot be treated in isolation. It is not a gesture of peace; it is a manoeuvre of delay. It is a temporary sedation of symptoms, not a cure. For Palestinians, a truce without political transformation is merely a countdown to the next round of airstrikes. If Netanyahu were serious about peace, he would begin not with a tribal emirate, but with equal rights. He would recognise the Palestinian Authority not as a rival but as a partner. He would lift the blockade on Gaza, stop the settlements and halt the desecration of the two-state framework. But none of these actions would serve his political survival. And so, none are taken. How many more temporary ceasefires must be signed, only to be broken, before the world admits what Palestinians already know? That peace, like trust, cannot be imposed. It must be built. And Netanyahu is not building anything — least of all peace. Dr Imran Khalid is a freelance columnist on international affairs based in Karachi, Pakistan.

Haidar Eid on writing about Gaza: ‘Resistance means existence'
Haidar Eid on writing about Gaza: ‘Resistance means existence'

Mail & Guardian

time2 days ago

  • Mail & Guardian

Haidar Eid on writing about Gaza: ‘Resistance means existence'

From the margin: Academic and author Haidar Eid is a refugee from Gaza and uses his writing to tell the story of oppression and genocide. In December 2023, He left his extended family behind, including his brother and sister, as well as his colleagues at the university where he worked. He has lost 65 relatives, 38 colleagues and many students since Eid said he hesitated to check his WhatsApp out of fear of learning of another loss of a loved one stuck in the throes of Israel's genocide in He refers to it as an 'incremental genocide' in his latest book, Banging on the Walls of the Tank: Dispatches from Gaza, a reference to a form of resistance through people writing their own narrative. Eid is an academic in literature and cultural studies. He used to teach at the Al Aqsa University in Gaza, Palestine, before it was turned to rubble. He obtained a PhD from the University of Johannesburg and is an associate professor at the University of Pretoria. His latest book is a collection of essays and articles he wrote and published during the Israeli onslaught on Gaza and the 'hermetic blockade' that was imposed on it since 2007. It follows his 2023 book, Decolonising the Palestinian Mind , and his 2017 publication, Worlding Post-modernism . He draws on the South African experience with apartheid to inform his framework of Israel's system of oppression of Palestinians, which he said has reached new heights of injustice and dehumanisation. 'Occupation is only one form of oppression of the Palestinian — you have occupation, you have apartheid and you have settler colonialism, and now you have genocide.' He explains in his book, which chronicles his experiences from the 22-day war in January 2009 to his reflections in October 2024 (one year after the 7 October attack) of how Israel has managed to convince the international community not to do anything. The 22-day war started on 27 December 2008 and ended on 18 January 2009 — and was the cause of the deaths of 1 300 Palestinians, including children, women, medics, journalists, foreigners and older people. Eid recalled the moment Israel launched an attack. 'It was 11:10 and I was driving past the peace headquarters in Gaza. Ten minutes after that, they attacked. Had I been 10 minutes late, you know, what would have happened? 'They attacked, and they chose the time when there were school shifts — so kids were leaving school and that's why so many children got killed; 270 people within three minutes got killed — that continued for 22 days.' Eid is also one of the founders of the Boycott Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement and he argues in his book about the movement's strength and ability to isolate Israel and grant Palestinians their basic human rights. Their three demands are: the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, the implementation of the United Nations resolution calling for the right of return and the end of apartheid in Israel and the end of racist laws. The BDS movement, and the global recognition of Palestinian struggles and rights, which was also signalled by South Africa's case at the International Court of Justice and the election of Zohran Mamdani into the New York State Assembly in June — a vocal supporter of Palestine's right to exist — have inspired Eid to conclude Palestine is having its South African moment. He said the Sharpeville massacre on 21 March 1960, when police opened fire on protesters, killing 69 people, was South Africa's watershed moment, which gave momentum to the global boycott and divestment movement against the country's oppressive regime, and soon, that will be the case for Gaza. Banging on the Walls of the Tank traverses the attacks that happened in 2012, 2014 and again in 2017 — when he joined the Great March of Return. He recalls in his book the losses he had to endure, including his parents, who both died in 2005, his neighbours and their children, his students and colleagues at the universities where he taught; and many of these were even before the 7 October attack. He remembered the moment he spoke to one of his students just three hours before he was killed. 'They were doing their master's and they had two little babies. They had left their house in Jabalia in the north and moved with his in-laws to a refugee camp, and then they killed him together with his in-laws and his daughters and his wife.' Visibly heartbroken as he went through the lists of people who died as a result of Israel's attack on Palestine, he said he still has the hope of returning to his village, Zarnuqa, one day. 'I'm a refugee. My parents, before 1948 they were living in a village called Zarnuqa. Both of my parents died in 2005. I was not allowed to go to the funeral because I was not in Gaza. 'My father died in January, my mother died in May, both dreaming of the day when they would return to their village. If you come now and ask my two little kids, just like this, 'Where are you from?', they would say, 'I'm from Zarnuqa.' They inherit this concept of right of return and this is what gives me hope.' He said his writing about his experiences with Israel's regime is both a tool of resistance and remembrance. 'To be able to write, it's important to give a voice to the voiceless. This is not my personal story. It's a story of every single Palestinian. 'For us, resistance means existence. Existence means resistance, it's mutual. For us to exist, we have to resist. We are resisting because we want to exist.' Eid said that as a matter of principle, he never wanted to leave Gaza; but he did so for the sake of his children. And now he watches everyday as his home disappears into the dust. He said he has 'survivor's guilt' but what is crucial for him now is to keep amplifying the story of Gaza, the resilience of Palestinians and to fight for its right to exist as a sovereign state. 'In other words, I'm using international law as a tool of struggle in my search for freedom and equality; and this way, if you noticed, when you asked me about BDS, I said: freedom, equality and justice. Equality. That's the solution to apartheid.'

Israeli strikes kill 22 in Gaza, church late pope often called is damaged
Israeli strikes kill 22 in Gaza, church late pope often called is damaged

The Herald

time2 days ago

  • The Herald

Israeli strikes kill 22 in Gaza, church late pope often called is damaged

The Vatican did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The Israel Defence Forces (IDF) said it was looking into the matter. 'The IDF is aware of reports regarding damage caused to the Holy Family Church in Gaza City and casualties at the scene. The circumstances of the incident are under review,' it said. 'The IDF makes every feasible effort to mitigate harm to civilians and civilian structures, including religious sites, and regrets any damage caused to them.' Israel has been trying to eradicate Hamas in Gaza in a military campaign that began after the group's deadly attack on Israel in October 2023 and has caused widespread hunger and privation in the tiny enclave. Palestinian medics said one air strike on Thursday killed a man, his wife and their five children in Jabalia in northern Gaza and another in the north killed eight men who had been handed responsibility for protecting aid trucks. Three people were killed in an air strike in central Gaza and four in Zeitoun in eastern Gaza, medics said. Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt, backed by the US, have hosted more than 10 days of talks on a proposed US 60-day truce. As part of the potential deal, 10 hostages held in Gaza would be returned, with the bodies of 18 others, spread out over 60 days. In exchange, Israel would release detained Palestinians. The exact number is not clear.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store