"Bangladesh being turned into Afghanistan" says Bangladeshi journalist Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury
Choudhury's most explosive allegation centres on what he describes as a deliberate plan to reshape Bangladesh's secular foundations. "Yunus is actually having the blueprint of turning Bangladesh into a theocracy," he stated, pointing to concerning statements from key regime allies.The journalist specifically highlighted the public statements of Mufti Syed Muhammad Faizul Karim, leader of Jamaat-Char Monai and a key Yunus ally, who according to Choudhury, "publicly told media that they are willing to turn Bangladesh into another Afghanistan."This transformation, Choudhury argues, is not merely ideological but involves concrete institutional changes that threaten the country's democratic fabric.Military Intelligence Under SiegePerhaps the most alarming aspect of Choudhury's account involves what he describes as a coordinated effort to dismantle Bangladesh's counterterrorism capabilities. He revealed that "hundreds of terrorists and militants, including members of Ansar-al Islam, which is a local franchisee of Al-Qaeda, Hizb ut Tahrir, and others, they were released from the prison."The journalist made a particularly striking claim about foreign intelligence involvement: "Three brigadiers of Pakistani army, actually they are the covered officials of the ISI, they visited Bangladesh" and met with various insurgent groups. In a move that Choudhury sees as directly connected, "just in 48 hours of their departure from Bangladesh, the anti-corruption commission in Bangladesh blocked the bank account of the Directory General of Forces Intelligence [DGFI]."A Radicalised Military?When discussing the Bangladesh Army's position, Choudhury expressed deep concerns about internal divisions. While noting that "General Wakar Zaman enjoys support of the majority of the army officers and soldiers," he made a startling claim about the military's composition: "inside the Bangladesh army, a very significant portion of the armed forces, they are radicalised, at least 30%."This alleged radicalisation within the military ranks, if accurate, would represent a fundamental threat to Bangladesh's stability and secular governance.Economic HaemorrhagingThe interim government's tenure has coincided with severe economic disruption, according to Choudhury's analysis. He presented alarming figures: "during the last 10.5 months, there is not a single dollar foreign investment in Bangladesh, but almost $9 billion were smuggled out of this country. 80,000 crore taka have been looted from the Bangladeshi stock market."advertisementThese economic indicators, combined with what Choudhury describes as systematic corruption, paint a picture of a country in economic free fall.Mob Violence and Minority PersecutionWhen questioned about reports of mob violence, Choudhury highlighted the regime's concerning response. He noted that "when Yunus press secretary was asked about the mob violence, he said it's not mob violence, it's a pressure group. But this mob violence, they're attacking the religious and ethnic minorities in this country."This reframing of violence as legitimate "pressure group" activity, according to Choudhury, demonstrates the regime's complicity in attacks on vulnerable communities.International DimensionsThe journalist alleges significant foreign involvement in Bangladesh's current crisis. He claimed that "there were foreign elements, like US deep state and others including Pakistani ISI of course. And now we also can see that clearly that China was also behind the last year's jihadi coup."Regarding the current US administration's response, Choudhury expressed disappointment: "Unfortunately, that Donald Trump we knew during his first tenure term. Now during his second tenure, Donald Trump himself is a confused person. He doesn't know what to do or what he is doing."Regional Security ImplicationsChoudhury warned of serious implications for regional security, particularly for India. "For the jihadists in Bangladesh, their common enemy is India," he stated, adding that "until Yunus regime remains in power, India's national security is at risk."advertisementHe specifically mentioned the presence of terror cells: "there are many sleeper cells of Ansar al-Bangla team in particular and the Jamatul Mujahideen in Bangladesh inside some of the places in West Bengal and also in the northeastern regions."Democratic Processes Under ThreatThe journalist painted a bleak picture of Bangladesh's democratic future. He explained that "Yunus has banned Awami League" and that even the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has shifted its position after "on June 13th, Yunus had a secret meeting with the chief of BNP Bangladesh Nationalist Party in London."Regarding elections, Choudhury was pessimistic: "Jamaat-e-Islami and other Islamist parties, they are publicly saying openly saying that elections should not be held" and "Yunus has no intention of holding elections... Bangladesh is not going to have any election even in the foreseeable future."Military Intervention as Only SolutionIn his most controversial assertion, Choudhury argued that military intervention represents the only viable path forward. "Now there is an essential need of armies military to take military initiatives, remove Yunus from power," he stated, emphasising that "the only way out is actions by our armed forces as soon as possible."- EndsMust Watch
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hans India
4 hours ago
- Hans India
BJP tears into Rahul Gandhi over Trump's jet remark, calls him 'Pakistani propaganda campaigner'
New Delhi: The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Sunday launched a scathing attack on the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, for demanding a clarification from the government over US President Donald Trump's ambiguous statement about five jets being shot down during Operation Sindoor. Dubbing him as the "star campaigner" for Pakistan, the BJP accused Rahul Gandhi of undermining the bravery of the Indian armed forces and amplifying the narrative pushed by Pakistani media. The criticism followed Gandhi's reaction to Trump's remarks made during a private dinner on Friday. US President stated that five jets were shot down amid Operation Sindoor, India's military retaliation to the Pahalgam terror attack in April, however, he did not clarify whether the aircraft in question belonged to India or Pakistan. Rahul Gandhi took to X on Saturday to share the video clip of Trump's statement and wrote in Hindi, "Modi ji, what is the truth behind the five jets? The country has a right to know." The BJP condemned the Congress leader's post, stating that while opposing Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi ends up questioning the integrity of the country and its armed forces. The party accused him of consistently demoralising the armed forces with such remarks. Speaking to IANS, BJP MP Praveen Khandelwal said, "This is not the first time. It has been the history of Congress and opposition parties to question the bravery and valour of our armed forces. They should remember that this is PM Modi's India, and he knows how to make decisions and execute them. Hence, if someone thinks that India will be dominated, it is wrong." BJP National General Secretary Tarun Chugh also hit out at Gandhi, saying, "Under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, the Congress and the INDIA bloc have become star campaigners for the Pakistani army and Pakistani media propaganda. The only aim of the Opposition is to spread misinformation. This is unfortunate." Chugh added that by opposing the government's diplomatic and military moves, the Opposition was beginning to sound like "the tukde-tukde gang" and had started opposing the country itself. JD(U) MP Sanjay Kumar Jha echoed the sentiment and said that Gandhi's statements repeatedly hurt the morale of the armed forces. "They should be asked whether they are talking about India's interests or against India. Whenever they make such statements, it demoralises the country and the army. What happened internationally? His party leaders also went in that delegation and presented their side, and the Indian Army held a press conference to explain everything. How did the Indian Army respond?" Jha asked. He went on to say, "While opposing PM Modi, he goes on to oppose the nation. He doesn't know when to speak on what. Even the nation has started to dismiss his statements. That is why Congress party repeatedly gets defeated in every election." Speaking to IANS, BJP MP Sanjay Jaiswal also criticised Gandhi, saying, "He did the same after Pulwama and the surgical strikes. He doesn't care for India. When the Galwan Valley clashes happened, he was busy dining with the Chinese ambassador. He also attended the wedding party of the son of George Soros, whose only goal is to destroy the democracy of India. One cannot expect patriotism from Rahul Gandhi."
India Today
5 hours ago
- India Today
Major Adil Raja claims threats, family targeted after exposing Pakistan army
In an explosive interview with India Today's Geeta Mohan, former Pakistan Army officer and whistleblower Major (Retd) Adil Raja has accused the Pakistani military establishment, particularly the ISI, of weaponising the UK's libel laws to silence dissent abroad. Raja, now living in exile in London, faces a high-stakes defamation trial starting on 21 July 2025, a case he describes as a 'strategic lawsuit against public participation' (SLAPP) designed to undermine his journalism and intimidate critics of the Pakistani trial pits Raja against serving Pakistani military officer Brigadier Rashid Nasir, who claims defamation after Raja publicly accused him of political and judicial manipulation — allegations Raja insists are supported by evidence and widely shared in Pakistan. Cleared of terrorism charges by UK authorities following a 9-month enquiry in 2023, Raja states this civil lawsuit is the ISI's new tactic in what he calls 'lawfare', the use of legal systems abroad to export former officer recounted shocking reprisals against his family in Pakistan, including his mother's purported house arrest and passport cancellation, and the acid attack on a key witness, Shahzad Akbar, in the UK. Raja warns that a ruling against him could set a dangerous global precedent, emboldening authoritarian regimes to silence exiled journalists through foreign courts. 'This isn't just my fight,' he said, 'it's about press freedom everywhere.' Q: What happens when a man in Pakistan wants to speak truth to power? What happens when a man has to leave that country and live in exile? What happens when he has to leave his services and then follow what he thinks is right for Pakistan? Major Adil Raja is no longer in the army, but he has served in Pakistan and now lives in exile because he's questioned the Pakistani army, and he continues to, now as a journalist in London, question what's happening in Pakistan. And what does he get in return? He gets a defamation case. What is the case all about? Is this muzzling by the Pakistani ISI, and how is the Pakistani administration doing it today? To discuss all this and more, I'm being joined by Adil Raja himself. Thank you so much for doing this, Adil. It is a very tough one — you've had a tough few months, so to say. First, just break it down for us — what is this case that you've been fighting against the administration in London?A: Well, you see, it's not been a tough few months but tough few years, I would say. Because the defamation case started in August of 2022, and it is going to trial next week, starting Monday, the 21st of July, 2025. It is a strategic lawsuit against public participation — it is part of the lawfare launched against me by the Pakistani military establishment and its intelligence arm, the ISI, with whom I was once working, as a third-generation Pakistan Army officer. And this lawfare is making use of the UK's relaxed libel laws, which favour the claimant — and that's why the UK, and London in particular, is called the libel tourism capital of the world. And that's not me or you saying it — that's Geoffrey Robertson, the King's Counsel, in his book Lawfare: How the Rich and the Government Try to Prevent Free Speech. He writes this, and it is a well-established fact that lawfare in the UK is launched by the rich and powerful. If you've got one to three million British pounds to spare, you can silence anyone in the UK — and that is why it's called the libel tourism capital of the the details, you'll have to read the book Lawfare by Geoffrey Robertson — I've just quoted him. But I'll give you a brief background: before this libel case, the Pakistani state — only because I was a whistleblower, exposing crimes against humanity in my country — targeted me. I was committing the cardinal sin: being a former army officer, a third-generation Pakistani army man, exposing the crimes of my institution — the regime change operations, controlling the government, political manipulation, judicial manipulation, and corruption. That is a cardinal of that, they got me arrested here in the UK by the counterterrorism police, saying that—advertisementQ: When were you arrested?advertisementA: I was arrested in 2023 by the UK's counterterrorism police for a few hours, but I was kept on bail for nine months. The Pakistani media reported it — it was the Pakistani state that got me arrested under the counterterrorism laws, saying my journalism was inciting violence in Pakistan. But the UK's counterterrorism police conducted an inquiry for nine months and cleared me of all the charges. They didn't even charge me — they cleared me of all that didn't stop my previous institution, which I served as a third-generation officer, they deciding to court-martial me in Charges — what were the specific charges?A: The counterterrorism charges were that I was inciting violence abroad — they showed a few tweets and a livestream on YouTube. Because of this, they got my channels on YouTube terminated. They said the livestream was about five hours, which I did with Pakistan's leading dissenting journalists — Dr. Moeed Pirzada, Shaheen Sahbai (who's a witness in my case), Colonel Syed Akbar Hussain (another witness in my case), Wajahat S. Khan, Haider Mehdi — we were reporting on the events of May 9th, 2023, which were already public on social they said that was incitement of violence, and reported it to the UK police.Q: But you've been cleared.A: Cleared — after nine months, they could find nothing. They had to end the case with no further action. But they still went ahead and court-martialed me in absentia, sentenced me to 14 years of rigorous imprisonment under the Official Secrets Act.Q: Back to Pakistan — your homeland.A: Yeah, my home, where my mother is, who got abducted by them and is kept hostage in Pakistan, so I don't go and see her. She's practically under house arrest — her passports have been cancelled. She was abducted on her way to the airport once, alongside my uncle, who has passed away — he was a retired colonel. Now she's not allowed to leave. My entire family's passports have been blocked and cancelled — their nationalities too — just because I'm speaking up for the truth and the people of they came up with this SLAPP — strategic lawsuit against public participation — and started serving me notices. This is just one of the files — I have entire stacks of such files. They started this lawfare against me because they've got money to spare, influence — definitely they have influence in the UK. But they haven't been able to get me under counterterrorism, so now they're trying their luck in the courts in the UK, since the UK is the libel tourism capital of the world — as King's Counsel Geoffrey Robertson Coming back to your family, is there any provision in Pakistani laws that family members' passports can be rescinded, revoked, taken away, so that they can be kept in the country, not allowed to leave at all?A: What law are you talking about, Geeta? There's no law in Pakistan — except martial law. Once the army chief decides something, he'll do it. He decided his buddy — my brother-in-law — should torture my sister, send her back home and snatch her son — they did it. I'm sorry for getting emotional — I've never—Q: I understand — I know, I know it must be very difficult.A: But they've done it, nobody can stop them. Might is right; that's the rule of law in Pakistan. Pakistan is an authoritarian state, Amnesty International reports, and Human Rights Watch says partially free. I say it's not free at all. If you can fly in and out, fine, but if you stay shut. You try to speak up, you end up in jail like Imran military rules military doesn't have a public mandate. So they create chaos if Imran Khan, who had the public mandate, tried to build bridges with India, the military created chaos instead. They plan attacks so that chaos keeps people distracted jingoism keeps people distracted from the real issues.Q: How is the UK administration allowing this? How did the Pakistani High Commission take this forward to ensure there's a defamation case against a dissenter living in London? Many advocates of media freedom say this trial could set a very wrong precedent.A: Very pertinent. As far as the UK government is concerned, they cleared me after nine months. They kept me on strict bail, but my excellent legal team and my rights helped they drop the case. So justice did prevail, the UK establishment does believe in fair play, and wants to protect when it comes to lawfare, anyone with millions of pounds can come to the UK and exploit its libel laws. The burden of proof is on the defendant, not the claimant. That's how the ISI is taking me to court here: the ISI's senior officer — Brigadier Rashid Nasir, the Punjab sector commander — came to the UK while serving in 2022, claiming I defamed him by saying he's involved in political manipulation, judicial manipulation, which even kids in Pakistan know.Q: So he has to come to London every hearing?A: Yes — he's in London now, goes to court. But I don't go because the UK police gave a witness statement that I'm under threat, so I appear via remote link.Q: Is this a civil case, Adil, or a Pakistani crackdown on foreign soil?A: It's technically a civil case, but it's a Pakistani crackdown on foreign soil. The National Union of Journalists here passed a motion saying I'm facing a SLAPP. They said this case represents a significant threat to press freedom and journalistic integrity — SLAPPs are designed to silence journalists through costly legal resolved to fully support me, circulate my press release, encourage media coverage, and invite me to share details. They know what's going on. The UK works on case law — if I lose, it'll set a precedent for muzzling dissent globally. That's why many British journalists are shifting to France — because the EU passed anti-SLAPP laws in witnesses — Pakistan's senior journalists like Shaheen Sahbai, Colonel Syed Akbar Hussain, Shahzad Akbar — their families are being threatened. Their social accounts hacked — propaganda campaigns run. The ISI is using all its power to silence this. They just don't want any coverage, because it exposes their soft belly.Q: How confident are you that the ruling will be in your favour? Or are you worried about what the ISI could influence in a London court?A: It's delicate — 50-50. There's no jury — it's all up to the judge. Why would a judge rule the ISI rigs elections? But everything I've said is proven. Still, considering UK-Pakistan relations, they may not go there. The harm claimed is absurd — I spoke the truth in public delicate, the ISI is spending millions, hiring top legal chambers — the same one Keir Starmer worked at. So it's a big machine.Q: Other than Brigadier Rashid Nasir, who do you blame in Pakistan?A: The Army Chief, General Asim Munir, is directly involved. The DG ISI, Lieutenant General Asim Malik, is also directly involved. They know their chances aren't bright, so they keep it low-key and muzzle coverage. The English media in Pakistan is controlled dependent on state advertising, so they only print what the establishment wants.Q: Adil, you've been brave. But are you scared? The threat is real — we've seen leaders lose their lives. Benazir Bhutto is an example. Imran Khan says the same.A: I'm not scared, but yes, I'm careful. There's a thin line between foolishness and bravery. My family is scared that my pensions, assets, bank balances, and property are all gone. I live at a police-protected address, I'm in hiding, can't move of my witnesses, Shahzad Akbar, suffered an acid attack at his home here in the UK. So yes, the threat is real, but I have to fight. I was groomed as a soldier. I took an oath to the people, not the generals. Pakistanis want democracy, their mandate respected, that's what I'm fighting for.Q: How do you see political stability coming? Imran Khan's sons, Reham Khan's new party — what do you make of this?A: Imran Khan's sons aren't interested in politics, only in getting relief for their father. Reham Khan's party I don't take it seriously, maybe it'll survive if the military supports it. The real plan is bigger, creating chaos, attacking India, using war jingoism to justify an emergency and more plan is allegedly by the Army Chief, Asim Munir, putting his brother-in-law as PM, himself or another general as president, a Musharraf-style accountability push to claim they cleaned up Pakistan. That's the plan; whether they succeed depends on whether they can provoke war.Q: Final question, God forbid, if there's an attempt on your life, who would you blame?A: The Pakistani military establishment. The Army Chief Asim Munir. The DG ISI, Asim Malik. Major General Faisal Nasir. Brigadier Rashid Nasir. They are behind the threats, the same people threatening my witnesses. The only reason they haven't got to me is because I'm careful, trained, and protected by British police. But yes, this fight is high stakes. I read Faslon ko Takalluf as a kid. My nation is my life. I'll fight for it. Peace is the only way forward — peace can make South Asia the richest region again, like before colonisation.- Ends
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
5 hours ago
- First Post
How Yunus' assault on shared Bengali heritage betrays his own nation
The Gopalganj violence, the failure to conduct autopsies, and the move to demolish Satyajit Ray's ancestral home are not mere missteps but a profound betrayal of the Bangladeshi people's trust and their shared history with India read more It is absolutely essential that the Yunus-led interim government take immediate steps to restore Bangladesh's democratic character while safeguarding the rich Bengali heritage that defines the nation and its deep ties with India. Image: AP The bloodbath in Gopalganj on July 16, 2025, is a gut-wrenching testament to the catastrophic failure of Muhammad Yunus's interim government, a regime that has plunged Bangladesh into a vortex of violence and cultural betrayal. This wasn't just a clash; it was a massacre, with at least five confirmed dead—though Bangladesh Human Rights Watch (BHRW) suggests a staggering 21 fatalities, a number the government refuses to verify. The Nationalist Citizens' Party (NCP), widely seen as Yunus's puppet, sparked the chaos by confronting Awami League supporters in Gopalganj, the symbolic heartland of Sheikh Hasina and the birthplace of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The state's response was not justice but repression: a suffocating curfew, over 160 arrests, and a chilling refusal to conduct autopsies on the victims, as confirmed by Jibitesh Biswas, superintendent of Gopalganj General Hospital. No death certificates were issued, and Dhaka Range DIG Rezaul Karim Mallick's vague promise of 'legal procedures' is a hollow insult to the grieving. As someone who holds Bangladesh's storied resilience close, I'm enraged by this desecration of Gopalganj, a place that embodies the nation's fight for freedom, now stained by a government that seems to revel in tearing it apart. This isn't an isolated tragedy but a symptom of a broader collapse under Yunus's watch since August 2024. The interim government has presided over a relentless wave of violence—murders, mob lynchings, rapes, and attacks on minorities—that has left Bangladesh's social fabric in tatters. The brutal killing of Lal Chand Sohag in Dhaka and the gang rape in Cumilla are not anomalies but glaring evidence of a nation spiralling into lawlessness. Yunus, with breathtaking arrogance, claims crime statistics show 'stabilisation', a lie so blatant it mocks the fear gripping ordinary citizens. The move to demolish the ancestral home of Harikishore Ray Chowdhury, Satyajit Ray's forebear, in Mymensingh—once the Mymensingh Shishu Academy—is a deliberate act of cultural vandalism. India's Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) requested for its preservation, offering to fund its transformation into a museum celebrating the shared Bengali heritage of both the nations. West Bengal's Mamata Banerjee echoed this plea, but Yunus's regime responded by saying that the said house has no connection to Satyajit Ray whatsoever, hell-bent on erasing a piece of history that binds India and Bangladesh. Belayat Hossain Mamun, general secretary of the Federation of Film Societies of Bangladesh, warns this is a trial run for further destruction, potentially targeting Upendrakishore Ray Chowdhury's birthplace in Moshua, Kishoreganj. The contrast with Sheikh Hasina's government, which restored the Kishoreganj site, is stark—Yunus seems intent on obliterating the very soul of Bengal. Sheikh Hasina's blistering statement cuts through the fog of this crisis with razor-sharp clarity. She brands Yunus a 'murderer-fascist', accusing him of orchestrating a conspiracy to dismantle Bangladesh's identity through his NCP proxies. Her words are not mere passion but a righteous cry against a regime that has desecrated sacred symbols: Bangabandhu's residence, the Liberation War Museum, the national flag, the anthem, and the Constitution. She points to the NCP's 'March to Gopalganj' as a calculated assault on Bangabandhu's mausoleum in Tungipara, a site she rightly calls the heart of Bengali identity. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Hasina's assertion that 'Bangabandhu and Bangladesh are one and inseparable' resonates deeply, as does her praise for the people of Gopalganj, who, despite facing tear gas and bullets, stood as guardians of their heritage. The state's response—indiscriminate gunfire on civilians—surpasses, as she puts it, 'medieval barbarity'. The refusal to conduct autopsies or inquests, as admitted by hospital and police officials, reeks of a cover-up, a desperate bid to bury the truth of this bloodshed. Hasina's call for resistance is a rallying cry for a nation under siege by its own government. The international community is sounding the alarm, and rightly so. BHRW, in a scathing letter to UN Secretary-General António Guterres, accuses the Bangladesh Army of complicity in the Gopalganj crackdown, a charge echoed by a UK-based human rights group. BHRW's claim of 21 deaths underscores the scale of this tragedy, far beyond the government's sanitised narrative. The NCP, derisively (and accurately) called 'the king's party', stands accused of unleashing a reign of terror—vandalising and burning Hindu temples, statues of national heroes, businesses, and public properties. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This isn't just violence; it's a systematic campaign to erase Bangladesh's pluralistic identity. BHRW's demand for an independent UN investigation and the deployment of human rights observers is a damning verdict on Yunus's inability to govern. The silence from his administration, refusing to acknowledge the true death toll or address these accusations, only deepens the perception of a regime complicit in chaos. The world is watching, and Yunus's failure to act is a betrayal of the Bangladeshi people and their global allies. What stings most is the betrayal of the shared heritage between India and Bangladesh. Since Bangladesh's birth in 1971, India has been the unwavering friend of its people, standing shoulder-to-shoulder through the Liberation War and beyond, championing the dreams of a free, vibrant nation. The MEA's offer to rebuild Satyajit Ray's ancestral home was a gesture of brotherhood, a plea to preserve a legacy that transcends borders. Yunus's rejection of this olive branch is not just an insult to India but a slap in the face to the Bangladeshi people, who cherish their cultural roots. The destruction of such sites, coupled with the violence in Gopalganj, signals a regime that cares nothing for the shared history that has long united our nations. It's a gut-punch to those of us who see Bengali culture—its art, its heroes, its spirit—as a bridge between two peoples. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It is absolutely essential that the Yunus-led interim government take immediate steps to restore Bangladesh's democratic character while safeguarding the rich Bengali heritage that defines the nation and its deep ties with India. The Gopalganj violence, the failure to conduct autopsies, and the move towards demolition of Satyajit Ray's ancestral home are not mere missteps but a profound betrayal of the Bangladeshi people's trust and their shared history with India, a steadfast ally since 1971. The interim regime must heed the international outcry from groups like Bangladesh Human Rights Watch and honour India's plea to preserve cultural landmarks, such as transforming the Mymensingh site into a museum, as a symbol of unity. By prioritising transparent investigations into the Gopalganj deaths, curbing the NCP's violent excesses, and protecting sites like Bangabandhu's mausoleum and Upendrakishore's Kishoreganj home, the Yunus government can begin to rebuild public faith. Only through genuine democratic reforms and a commitment to preserving the pluralistic, cultural soul of Bangladesh can this government redeem itself and honour the aspirations of a people yearning for justice, stability, and preservation of their very identity. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The writer takes special interest in history, culture and geopolitics. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
