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"Black Defender Would Suit You": Tea Seller's Request To Ashok Gehlot

"Black Defender Would Suit You": Tea Seller's Request To Ashok Gehlot

NDTV29-07-2025
A Jaipur tea vendor has urged former Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot to upgrade his official vehicle. The interaction took place while the Congress MLA was seated in the front passenger seat of his Tata Safari Storme, a vehicle he has reportedly used for over a decade.
Shimbhudayal Saini, who runs a tea stall near the government hostel, told Mr Gehlot that most politicians changed their cars regularly, but he had used the same for 15 years.
"I've seen you driving the same vehicle for 15 years," Mr Saini said. "It's time to upgrade. A black Defender would suit you better."
Mr Gehlot responded, "What's a Defender?"
The Land Rover Defender is a premium British SUV known for its rugged off-road capability, luxury features, and design.
"It's a great car," the vendor replied.
"I see all the politicians, they change cars, five in a year. But I've been seeing you for 15 years. Wherever you go, you take the same car, with the same number."
Mr Gehlot asked, "Why, isn't this a good car?" to which he answered, "No, it's good. But sir, I don't feel good about it. You're my leader, I want you to have a nice car."
"It is a nice one, babu," Mr Gehlot said, laughing.
Mr Saini continued, "It may be nice for you, sir, but not for us. Doesn't look good to the youth."
"Why?" the minister asked again.
"It's old now. It's become outdated. This time, when you become Chief Minister again, get that black car, the Defender. Remember my face, sir. I will meet you again. My name is Shimbhudayal Saini."
To this, Mr Gehlot replied, "Most people have this car, very few have a Defender."
Mr Saini went on to say, "Sir, I've seen so many leaders. They change cars every three months. Only you have been using the same one for the past 10-15 years. I run a tea stall at the government hostel. Your car passes from there, and I always look at it thinking, why hasn't it changed yet?"
Mr Gehlot said, "Even when I was Chief Minister, it was the same car," with the tea vendor agreeing.
He concluded, "Sir, this time please change it. That's my request."
This is Funny ????
Ashok Gehlot has the same Safari car for the last 15 years. One of his supporters is requesting him to buy the Black Defender.
He is very down to earth ✊ pic.twitter.com/iiI7kseu4h
— Mr. Democratic (@MrDemocratic_) July 28, 2025
Ashok Gehlot has served as Chief Minister of Rajasthan three times, from 1998 to 2003, 2008 to 2013, and 2018 to 2023. He currently represents the Sardarpura constituency in the state assembly.
Several politicians and ministers use the Land Rover Defender in their personal or official fleets. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin has two Defender 110 SE SUVs in his convoy. Congress MP Vijay Vasanth replaced his Fortuner with a red Defender 110, while Shiv Sena (UDB) MP Sanjay Raut owns a black one.
AIMIM MP Asaduddin Owaisi, SP MP Dimple Yadav, and JD(L) MLA Raja Bhaiya also use Defenders.
Tata Motors launched the Safari Storme in October 2012 as a replacement for the earlier Safari Dicor model.
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Giving a historical analogy to the significance of the Mediterranean Sea in global geopolitics, Halford J Mackinder, in his book, Democratic Ideals and Reality: A Study in the Politics of Reconstruction, highlights how the Roman Empire became a great power by controlling the Mediterranean Sea. As Mackinder argues, by controlling the strategically significant sea region, 'Rome… advanced into the Heartland, if that term be understood, in a large, a strategical sense, as including Asia Minor and the Balkan Peninsula'. He further argues that the Mediterranean Sea was the focal point of competition between France and England to control the Sea to acquire the status of a European power. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Similarly, the US Naval Strategist Alferd Mahan in his path-breaking work The Influence of Sea Power Upon History has highlighted the significance of the Sea in the global geopolitics. 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It is a fact that the US energy prices are at a higher level, which will put European countries at a higher risk. As both the US and EU reached a trade agreement under which the former will impose a 15 per cent tariff on the latter's product on the condition that the EU will provide US energy to the tune of 750 billion US dollars. Though it appears to be a fairer trade bargaining, the moot point is whether the EU countries will be hostage to the coercive trade practices of the US. Thus, they are looking towards Russia being the traditional energy supplier to maintain energy equilibrium. Hence, one can see a major role for Russia in this part of the world in the near future. Similarly, the growing threat being posed by Turkey not only to European Mediterranean countries like Greece and Cyprus, but also its role as a mischievous player in the West Asian part of the Mediterranean region under Erdogan, poses a challenge to the regional security of the Mediterranean region. On the other hand, China is trying to offset the geopolitical balance in this part of the world and bring this entire region under its ambitious and imperial Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Though the operationalisation of the IMEC corridor will put a hold on Chinese expansionist tendencies in this part of the world. For instance, Italy, which is a key country in the Mediterranean, has soured its relations with China. So is the case with Israel, which took a U-turn in its relations with China because of Beijing's relations with the Palestinian-based Hamas. As studies suggest, there is a social uprising against China in many of the Mediterranean countries of West Asia and North Africa for its role in resource exploitation. All these developments put China on the back foot. Looking at the geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic significance of the region, it is imperative to mention here that India has a significant role to play in the Mediterranean region. India's Strategic Interest India has a deeper interest in the geopolitical developments which are occurring in this part of the world. Hence, security and stability in this strategically significant region are one of the primary concerns of India. A robust policy towards the Mediterranean region was unveiled at the sidelines of the Delhi G20 Summit, which took place in September 2023, when the IMEC Corridor was initiated. There are three important considerations why India attaches so much importance to the Mediterranean. Over the years, it has been observed that the geopolitical stability in the broader Mediterranean, both the West Asia North Africa (WANA) region and the European part, is considered critical to India's national interest. The same can be witnessed if one looks at the Houthi crisis in the Red Sea. This crisis is affecting India's energy security needs as India brings the bulk of its energy through the Suez Canal, which links India to the Mediterranean Sea. Thus, stability in the Red Sea and Suez Canal corridor is considered to be critical to India's strategic energy interests. Another important dimension that needs to be highlighted is that Egypt, because of its strategic location on the Mediterranean Coast, is an entrepôt to North Africa, West Asia and Europe. Thus, the beefing up of India's relations with Egypt over the years provided an opportunity for robust strategic engagement between the two countries. The visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Egypt in June 2023 resulted in enhancing strategic cooperation between India and Egypt. By engaging with Egypt what India achieved a greater strategic preponderance in the Mediterranean geopolitics. What is interesting to note here is that India is pursuing a coherent foreign policy without involving itself too much in the internal dynamics of Mediterranean geopolitics. For instance, India has good relations with Israel and Egypt. It is a fact that Israel has emerged as a trusted strategic partner for India in Mediterranean geopolitics. The initiation of the IMEC project, as discussed above, makes Israel a critical partner for India in strategising Mediterranean diplomacy. The Israeli port of Haifa, which is under the control of the Indian conglomerate Adani Group, is directly linked to the Mediterranean Sea coast. This gives India a tactical advantage both in a geopolitical and geo-economic sense in shaping Mediterranean diplomacy. It is also a fact that the bilateral relations between India and Israel stood at 10.77 billion dollars in the year 2022-23 (minus defence cooperation) as per the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Government of India. One may recall here that over the years, India and Israel, both at the bilateral and multilateral levels, have had a convergence of interests on many issues. The same can be manifested when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in June 2025, when India conducted Operation Sindoor against Pakistan. Earlier, Israel fully supported India's Operation Sindoor by stating that 'Israel supports India's right to self-defence'. Despite the political transition in Libya after 2011, India maintained good contact with Libya's National Transitional Council. One noteworthy aspect of India's engagement with Libya is in the economic sphere. Major Indian companies like OVL, Punj Lloyd, BHEL, along with the IT sector, etc, are actively engaged in Libya. Because of its strategic location on the Mediterranean coast as well as in WANA, Libya is going to play an important role in the geopolitical landscape of global geopolitics. In this context, one can see a more proactive engagement of India in this part of the world. Coming to the European part of the Mediterranean, India has, over the years, beefed up its presence in this part of the world. This move of New Delhi has both geopolitical as well as geo-economic connotations aimed at building a new kind of strategic partnership. The above strategic analysis provides an opportunity to understand the complex geopolitical developments which are confronting the strategically located region, which shapes the future of global geopolitics. The above analysis also helps India to locate its geopolitical engagement with this part of the world. Some of these structural developments are also shaping India's engagement with this part of the world. Though it is a fact that India's long-standing relations with the Mediterranean countries can also be factored into shaping relations. For instance, the relationship between India and France has undergone a sharp transformation in recent years. Cooperation in the field of Science and technology, climate change, sustainable growth, renewable energy, defence, as well as trade and a shared perception on some of the global issues are factors that bring relations between the two countries. It may be underlined here that France, in recent years, has taken a keen interest in Indo-Pacific geopolitics. In this regard, France seeks India's cooperation. The visit of Prime Minister Modi to France on February 10-12, 2025, gave a new vista to India-France relations. During the visit of Prime Minister Modi to France in February, a Joint Statement was signed between the two countries. The Joint Statement appreciated the 'launch of the India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC) on the margins of the G20 Summit in Delhi in September 2023 and agreed to work together more closely on implementing the initiative. …In this regard, they acknowledged the strategic location of Marseille in the Mediterranean Sea'. The trade relations have also been substantially increased between India and France over the years, and as per the Ministry of External Affairs, Govt of India report in 2023-24, the trade volume reached 15.11 billion US dollars. Italy, which occupies a vantage point in the Mediterranean Sea Coast, acts as a bridge with European, North African and West Asian Mediterranean, and has strong relations with India. Along with bilateral relations, Italy is part of major Indian renewable energy initiatives like the International Solar Alliance, Global Bio-Fuel Alliance, Indo-Pacific Ocean Initiatives, and the IMEC corridor. This reflects the convergence of interests on the issue of mutual interests. Similarly, Italy is also a major trading partner of India, with a trade volume of 14. 74 billion Euro in 2023- 24 as per the MEA, Government of India report. Along with the IMEC corridor, both countries have also agreed to develop cooperation in the field of technology, defence, renewable energy, etc. Similarly, another important Mediterranean country on the European continent is Spain, with which India has a strong relationship. The most interesting aspect of India's relations with European Mediterranean countries is with Cyprus and Greece. The relationship between Cyprus and Greece has assumed importance in recent years. This is because another Mediterranean country, Turkey, has posed a strong security challenge to India in recent years. In fact, a new form of unholy nexus is emerging among Turkey, Azerbaijan and Pakistan. The same was more glaringly evident when Turkey provided overt and covert support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. This includes supplying drones and other sophisticated weapons to Pakistan by Turkey. These Turkic weapons were being used by Pakistan in May-June 2025 against India. Even in recent years, especially after the Bangladesh coup in August 2024, Turkey has been providing arms and ammunition to the Yunus Government. Reports suggest that Turkey, with the active connivance of Pakistan, is augmenting its presence in Nepal with sinister motives against India. This move by Turkey is driven by its desire to step up its presence in South Asia. Thus, Turkey's move in South Asia is posing a strong threat to India's security. It is in this context; there is a need to re-examine and augment India's presence in the Mediterranean region to checkmate and encircle Turkey. In this context, India's presence in Cyprus as well as in Greece assumes vital importance and has strong geopolitical connotations. India's policy posture towards both Greece and Cyprus can be evident from the fact that, under Prime Minister Modi, New Delhi is pursuing a more assertive and pragmatic policy. The same can be evident from Prime Minister Modi's visit to Cyprus in June 2025. It may be argued that India consistently supported Cyprus's unity and integration. It is a fact that Cyprus occupies an important position in the Eastern Mediterranean region and constantly faces a threat from Turkey. In this context, one can see India and Cyprus' strategic cooperation. One may add here that Cyprus is strategically located and emerging as a major energy connectivity hub. Apart from this, the IMEC corridor also passes through Cyprus. Looking at the strategic significance of Cyprus, it can be stated that India also has a vital stake in Cyprus. The visit of Prime Minister Modi in June 2025 has also augmented India-Cyprus relations to a great extent. The Joint Statement issued after the end of the visit of Prime Minister Modi to Cyprus highlighted 'Unequivocally condemned terrorism and violent extremism in all its forms and manifestations, including international and cross-border terrorism, and reaffirmed their shared commitment to countering hybrid threats that undermine peace and stability'. At the economic front, both countries underlined 'Viewing IMEC as a catalyst for constructive regional cooperation, they reiterated their shared commitment to promoting stability in the Eastern Mediterranean and the wider Middle East and emphasized the importance of fostering deeper engagement and corridors of interconnection from the Indian peninsula through the wider Middle East to Europe'. Over the years, Cyprus has consistently supported India's counter-terrorism measures. Along with this, Cyprus also supported India's position on Kashmir at various forums, including at the United Nations (UN). Cyprus also supported India's Operation Sindoor against Pakistan. Over the years, Cyprus has also shown keenness to purchase India's defence equipment. Along with defence, technological cooperation, sustainable development, blue economy, etc, are some of the key aspects which were discussed during Prime Minister Modi's visit to Cyprus in June 2025. One major issue that gained prominence in recent years was the further institutionalisation of economic cooperation among India, Cyprus and Greece. The formation of the India–Greece–Cyprus (IGC) Business and Investment Council can be stated as the first step in the direction of trilateral relations between the three countries. Along with Cyprus, India has also strengthened its relations with Greece in recent years and turned into a 'Strategic Partnership' in August 2023. The visit of Prime Minister Modi to Greece in August 2023, followed by Prime Minister of Greece Kyriakos Mitsotakis's return visit to India in February 2024, adds a new milestone in the bilateral relations between the two countries. It may be noted that India shares both historical and civilizational relations with Greece. In this context, one can see how both countries can benefit from each other's cooperation. Like Cyprus, Greece also occupies a vantage point on the Mediterranean Coast. Hence, it can act as a 'gateway' to reach out to the European as well as the Mediterranean countries. This adds much weight to India's geopolitical and geo-economic engagement with this part of the world. It is also a fact that, like Cyprus, Greece also supports India at the various international forums, including at the UN. Greece also supported India when India conducted Operation Sindoor against Pakistan. At the same time, India and Greece have also conducted Joint Naval as well as Air defence exercises in 2024, known as 'Tarang-2024' exercises in September. 2024. The strengthening of cultural relations as well as economic relations will add much substance to the strategic cooperation between India and Greece. Similarly, Turkey is also posing a substantial security threat to Greece. Territorial and maritime zone dispute, especially in the Aegean Sea, is one of the thorniest issues between the two countries. There are a number of reports which suggest that over the years, the radical Islamist regime of Turkey under Erdogan has been mulling hostile moves, including military aggression against Greece, to take over the Greek territories. This is happening despite the fact that both countries of the Mediterranean are part of Nato. It is in this context; one can envisage stronger military coordination between India and Greece in the Mediterranean region to checkmate the challenge being posed by Turkey. Greece is also seeking an interest in the Indo-Pacific corridor, in which it seeks India's cooperation. It is a fact that Greece is emerging as a reliable strategic partner of India in the Mediterranean region. Similarly, the formation of the India-Cyprus-Greece trilateral economic grouping can be translated into a regional security grouping with the inclusion of Armenia (a Caucasus country) and Israel in the long run. This will add much substance to the Mediterranean regional security complex. A report being published by the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) titled India and Mediterranean Nations: Crossroads of Commerce, published in September 2024, vividly outlines India's economic engagement in this part of the world. The report outlines how India, being one of the largest economies in the world, has a positive role to play in the economic dynamics of the world. As the above report of CII suggests, India's trading with Mediterranean countries is to the tune of $76.2 billion, which is to the extent of 6.8 per cent of its total trade. The report further underlined that the European Mediterranean countries constitute the largest trading partner of India, with a trading volume of $55.9 billion. The report has also further highlighted India's trade engagement with the West Asian and North African parts of the Mediterranean region. The report further highlights the new areas of cooperation, like circular economy, blue economy, digital payment, green hydrogen, joint cooperation in defence manufacturing, etc, are some of the areas of cooperation. Thus, looking at both the strategic developments of the Mediterranean region as well as India's geopolitical and geo-economic engagement with this region, one can add here that this region provides challenges as well as opportunities. While at the geo-economic front, this region offers market as well as strategic connectivity along with resources, but on the other hand, Turkey is posing a strong threat to India's security. Hence, there is a need for Indian policy makers to tread a cohesive as well as pragmatic policy towards this strategic region. As discussed earlier, the structural geopolitical factors like the US and EU engagement, Russia and EU relations, along with the nature of volatility in the trade relations among these countries, are likely to shape India's Mediterranean policy. Along with these external factors, both geopolitical logic and geo-economic dynamics are shaping India-Mediterranean relations. Looking at some of the above developments, the following inferences can be drawn from the above analysis. These are: The geopolitical complexity of the Mediterranean region is partly accentuated by its strategic location, resources, as well as the role of external actors. The new geopolitical reconfiguration is associated largely with the role of external powers like the US, Russia, and China, which are shaping the strategic dynamics of the region. India has deep-rooted historical, geo-strategic and geo-economic linkages that actually provide the foundation for building a cohesive, resilient and pragmatic policy towards the Mediterranean region. In recent years, Indian foreign policy has looked towards the region in a more realist sense. The same can be evident from New Delhi's move to beef up its presence in the region through the IMEC corridor as well as through maritime connectivity. There is a need to augment India's naval presence on the Mediterranean coast. This will give New Delhi a strategic manoeuvrability in influencing the geopolitical development of the region. India and Mediterranean countries can foster cooperation in the fields of science, technology, defence, agriculture, climate change, renewable energy, health, and trade. Conclusion The Mediterranean region is in a state of geopolitical flux, largely due to its strategic location as well as geo-economic significance as a major connectivity corridor in global geopolitics. It is in this context that India should take full advantage of the complex geopolitical situation of the Mediterranean region by forging a closer partnership with Israel, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, and the European Mediterranean countries. Trade, resources, culture, technology, and connectivity are some of the key areas of cooperation between India and the Mediterranean countries. It is a fact that the IMEC corridor is in a state of geopolitical impasse largely due to the onset of conflict in West Asia and the North African region, as well as in the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Similarly, the trade and tariff impasse between India and the US, though, may slow down the implementation of the project, but one can envisage that once the issue is resolved, then IMEC may revitalise itself. Similarly, India can use Greece and Cyprus as a stepping up base for encircling Turkey. It is a fact that over the years, Turkey and Pakistan have been hobnobbing with each other along with Azerbaijan, which is impacting India's national security. Thus, India can also form a new trilateral cooperation along with Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Armenia, in forming a new strategic alliance in the Mediterranean sub-region. This will give a new strategic dimension to India's Mediterranean policy. The trilateral economic cooperation involving India, Cyprus and Greece is already operational and may provide further impetus to the Mediterranean sub-regional economic cooperation To sum up, India needs a robust foreign policy towards the Mediterranean region. By engaging more pragmatically with Mediterranean countries, particularly with the European countries, as well as Russia, India can balance both the US and China. The author teaches at the School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

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