New system to deliver voter ID cards within 15 days of update in poll rolls: EC
The Electors Photo Identity Cards or the EPIC cards, would be delivered in case of new enrolment of an elector as well as change in any particulars of an existing elector within 15 days, the poll body said in a statement.
The new system will ensure real-time tracking of each stage right from the EPIC generation by the Electoral Registration Officer (ERO) till the delivery of the voter ID card to the elector through the Department of Posts (DoP).
Also Read | ECI sets the ball rolling on linking voter ID card with Aadhaar
Voters will also receive notifications via SMS at each stage, keeping them informed about the status of their EPICs. For this purpose, the EC has introduced a dedicated IT module on its recently launched ECINet platform.
Seamless delivery
The new IT platform will replace the existing process by re-engineering the current system and streamlining the workflow. DoP's Application Programme Interface (API) will be integrated with the ECINet for seamless delivery, the statement said, adding this initiative aims to enhance service delivery while maintaining data security. Providing prompt and efficient electoral services to all its electors is a major focus area for the EC.
While Opposition parties, led by the Congress, have alleged manipulations in voter lists, the EC has maintained that the process for additions and deletions is transparent, rigorous, and immune to arbitrary changes.
Recently, Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi had alleged 'industrial scale rigging' in 2024 Maharashtra Assembly polls.
Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar, while delivering his keynote address at the Stockholm International Conference on 'Electoral Integrity' in Sweden earlier this month, said preparation of electoral rolls in India was one of the world's most 'rigorous and transparent' exercises and elections were held under the close watch of the political parties, candidates, voters, police and media, acting as 'concurrent auditors'.
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Dear Express Reader, The week of the 79th Independence Day ended with a press conference by the Election Commission of India that was both welcome and unsettling. On the face of it, the EC sought to address questions raised by the Special Intensive Revision exercise ahead of the election in Bihar — and even though Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar did not take Rahul Gandhi's name, on Gandhi's allegations of 'vote chori'. That the EC sought to address questions swirling around it, when its conduct of the exercise in Bihar has raised serious apprehensions of large-scale disenfranchisement, was reassuring. But its tone and tenor has raised more questions. 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More importantly, if it wanted to paint itself above the political fray, and as an institution that is procedurally even-handed, it should have addressed the fact that it has been put in the dock today not just by Rahul Gandhi's allegations, but also by the government. Of course, Rahul Gandhi cast the first stone, with his allegations of manipulation of electoral rolls/turnout figures in Maharashtra and then with his charges of defective electoral rolls in Mahadevapura constituency in Karnataka. But subsequently, the ruling party, while taking aim at Rahul Gandhi, has also ended up (unintentionally) targeting the EC. Listen in to another press conference, held on Wednesday, only a few days before the EC's meet-the-press on Sunday, and you will hear BJP's Anurag Thakur essentially repeating all of Rahul Gandhi's allegations — but with a communal tinge. Like Gandhi, Thakur alleged the presence of fake voters, duplication of names, mass additions, doubtful addresses and dubious first-time voters in lists, and the misuse of government machinery. The difference was that Thakur picked constituencies won by Opposition leaders to make his case — including Wayanad, Diamond Harbour, Kannauj, Rae Bareli — and that he repeatedly drew attention to the names of the so-called doubtful voters, all Muslim. In Thakur's list: Mohammad Kaif Khan, whose name allegedly appears in three lists in Rae Bareli, Khurshid Alam and Shabana Khatoon, whose name allegedly appears more than once in Diamond Harbour, Mahmoona in Wayanad, Sabri Begum, Shah Mohammad, Mohammad Shahbaz, Nisar Bano, Rafiullah … The list went on, and Thakur's chilling recitation left his audience in no doubt about what was remarkable and what was to be noted — the religion of the allegedly fraudulent voter in the lists. 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The EC did not show any awareness in Sunday's press conference that it is under attack now from more than the LoP it churlishly refused to name. It did not seem to recognise that it cannot just challenge Rahul Gandhi to sign an affidavit, take an oath, and leave it at that. More fundamentally, the EC's refrain — show me the evidence, in the proper format, by a certain date, or else — shifts the onus of keeping the electoral rolls pure from itself to the people and political parties. Just as in the ongoing SIR in Bihar, the Commission shifted the responsibility of proving their innocence, or their citizenship, on the voters, by asking them to procure documents or be excluded, it is now saying that if anyone raises concerns about its exercise, it is they who must explain themselves, not the EC. This has disquieting implications in a grim moment for India's democracy. It is a time when wide and unsubstantiated allegations of 'vote chori' by the leader of the main Opposition party threaten to drown out the genuine and specific concerns about disenfranchisement sparked by the EC's exercise in Bihar. Rahul Gandhi's allegations have also raised a sombre question: Having raised the pitch so high, where does the Congress, and the Opposition, go from here? How do they dial back from a spiral into a politics of nihilism? If they don't find a way back from the edge, what happens to the peaceful transition of power that India has always prided itself on, and which we have taken for granted? Does it pose a new challenge to the conduct of elections, their legitimacy? And what happens if the result of the Bihar election is a close one? It is a grim moment, also, because of the Modi government's response — first its attempt to speak for the EC, instead of letting it speak for itself, adding to doubts on the latter's fairness and independence. And then its subsequent misfiring at Rahul that has ended up wounding the EC. But this is a sobering moment, most of all, because the EC, the constitutional authority with a hard-won autonomy, seems not to recognise the full scale of its own and the polity's predicament. Urgent repair work is needed by a credible and impartial umpire, there must be cross-party conversations on voters' lists and shared protocols, and the focus must be on voter inclusion, not voter exclusion, if a free fall is to be avoided into a political dead-end. That's the challenge. So far, the EC has not stepped up to it. Till next week, Vandita
