Sanseito third-most popular party in Upper House race: poll
The survey found that 6.9% of respondents plan to vote for Sanseito in the Upper House's proportional representation bloc, up 3.4 percentage points from June and improving its ranking among political parties from sixth place.
The ruling Liberal Democratic Party remained the front-runner at 20.9%, albeit down 3.6 points.
In second place was the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan, up 0.8 points at 9.1%, while the Democratic Party for the People was fourth at 6.1%, up 0.1 points.
Komeito, the LDP's coalition partner, came next at 4.9%, up 0.9 points, followed by Reiwa Shinsengumi at 3.6%, up 0.5 points, Nippon Ishin no Kai at 2.7%, down 1.7 points.
The Conservative Party of Japan logged 2.3%, up 1.6 points, the Japanese Communist Party 1.9%, down 0.3 points, and the Social Democratic Party 0.9%, up 0.4 points.
The proportion of respondents who favor no particular party came to 38.2%.
By age group, those under 30 backed the DPP most at 13.4%, followed by Sanseito at 12.5% and the LDP at 10.7%. All older generations favored the LDP most.
The proportion of respondents who want to see the LDP and Komeito retain their majority in the Upper House in Sunday's election came to 31.1%, less than the 42.5% who hope to see the opposition bloc take the majority.
Meanwhile, 36.1% said they hope that the ruling bloc will comprise the LDP, Komeito and one or more of the opposition parties after the Upper House poll, while 24.7% hope for a government led by the opposition and 18.6% want a government comprising just the LDP and Komeito.
As measures to tackle inflation, 67.4% preferred consumption tax cuts over cash handouts, against 21.5% saying the opposite.
A total of 22.8% said that information on social media is important in deciding whom to cast their votes for, while 64.8% said that it is not important and 12.4% said neither or that they do not know.
As for Ishiba's Cabinet, the public approval rating dropped 6.2 percentage points from the previous month to 20.8% in July, its lowest ever level. The disapproval rating jumped 6.6 points to 55.0%, the highest since Ishiba took office last October.
The support rate fell below the previous low of 20.9% marked in May. Approval had picked up to 27.0% in June, apparently due to the appointment of Shinjiro Koizumi, son of popular former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, as agriculture minister, before falling again.
The interview survey, conducted over the four days through Monday, covered 2,000 people aged 18 and over in Japan. Valid responses came from 59% of people.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
an hour ago
Ishiba May Come Under Pressure to Step Down
News from Japan Politics Jul 21, 2025 01:09 (JST) Tokyo, July 20 (Jiji Press)--Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba may come under pressure to step down if his ruling coalition falls far short of his goal in Sunday's election for the House of Councillors, the upper chamber of parliament. Ishiba declared his intention to stay in office even as the ruling bloc is struggling to maintain its Upper House majority in the election. "We must be aware of our responsibility to fulfill for the nation and our responsibility as a comparative first party. I will take charge of it," he said on television Sunday night. But the political landscape is becoming increasingly uncertain as moves to find a successor to Ishiba are already underway behind the scene within his ruling Liberal Democratic Party. The ruling coalition had to maintain its Upper House majority after it failed to secure a majority in the House of Representatives, the lower parliamentary chamber, in last year's election, an LDP official said. [Copyright The Jiji Press, Ltd.] Jiji Press
Japan Times
an hour ago
- Japan Times
Performative ‘elections' expose a sad lack of vision
Under former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the Liberal Democratic Party's leadership offered the Japanese people and the region the Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision (FOIP), Abenomics to revive the nation's economy after nearly three decades of stagnation and 'proactive pacifism' as guiding ideas for Japanese citizens. While not completely successful in realizing these visions, they offer a stark contrast to Japan's Upper House elections. These performative 'elections' have again exposed a troubling void at the heart of the island nation's political culture: the absence of any compelling strategic vision for the country's future. While political parties jostle for position and trade barbs over peripheral issues, none have articulated a coherent blueprint for addressing Japan's serious and mounting structural challenges. This vacuum of imagination reflects not merely political timidity but a deeper cultural reluctance to embrace bold leadership, a tendency encapsulated in the Japanese proverb 'the nail that sticks up gets hammered down.' The policy platforms on display during the campaign were notable primarily for their smallness of ambition. The LDP recycled familiar promises about economic revitalization and security enhancements, offering incremental adjustments rather than transformative solutions. The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan countered with equally uninspiring proposals for modest wage increases and tweaks to social programs. Even newer entrants like Reiwa Shinsengumi and Nippon Ishin no Kai failed to break free from this pattern of cautious incrementalism. What makes this lack of vision more concerning is the magnitude of challenges Japan faces. The nation confronts a demographic crisis, with a rapidly aging society and plummeting birthrate threatening economic vitality and social cohesion. Gender inequality remains entrenched, depriving the economy of talent and perpetuating outdated social structures. The employment system struggles to adapt to a dynamic global economy. Educational institutions remain rigid, hierarchical and are ill-equipped to foster the creativity and flexibility demanded by the 21st century. Rather than grappling seriously with these existential challenges with a concrete vision, political discourse has increasingly fixated on the comparatively minor issue of immigration. Parties across the spectrum have devoted outsized attention to illegal migrants, migrant crime and border control measures despite scant evidence that foreign nationals pose any significant threat to Japanese society. Foreign residents constitute less than 3% of Japan's population and crime rates among immigrants remain lower than those of the general population. This misdirection of political energy reveals both the poverty of strategic thinking and a troubling susceptibility to populist scapegoating. The rise of parties like Sanseito, which has gained traction with its populist, right-of-center platform, reflects growing voter dissatisfaction with establishment politics. Yet this phenomenon represents less a coherent alternative vision than a protest vote against the status quo. Like similar movements in Europe and the Americas, Sanseito channels frustration without offering substantive solutions. Its popularity signals not the emergence of new ideas but the bankruptcy of old ones. This political paralysis stems partly from institutional factors such as the factional nature of Japanese politics, the power of bureaucracy and the influence of special interests. But it also reflects deeper cultural dynamics. Japanese society has long valued consensus over conflict, harmony over disruption and collective cohesion over individual initiative. These values have many virtues, contributing to social stability and group solidarity. Yet they also create powerful disincentives for the kind of bold, visionary leadership required to navigate transformational change. The contrast with other major powers is instructive. Whatever one thinks of U.S. President Donald Trump's 'Make America Great Again' vision or Chinese leader Xi Jinping's 'China Dream,' these leaders have articulated clear, compelling narratives about their nations' destiny. Their visions may be flawed, divisive and unrealistic, but they provide a sense of direction and purpose that mobilizes political energy and shapes public discourse. Japanese politics offers no equivalent. There has been no overarching narrative about where the country should go or what it should become since Abe. This absence of vision has concrete consequences. Without a clear strategic direction, policy responses remain reactive and piecemeal. Demographic decline proceeds unchecked because no party dares propose the radical reforms to immigration policy, gender relations or work culture that are necessary to reverse it. Economic stagnation persists because structural reforms threaten entrenched interests. Educational ossification continues because innovation requires challenging established hierarchies. The irony is that Japan possesses tremendous assets that could underpin a compelling national vision. Its technological prowess, cultural creativity, social cohesion and democratic institutions provide a strong foundation for renewal. A political leader willing to articulate how these strengths could be mobilized to address contemporary challenges might find a receptive audience among voters hungry for change. Such a vision need not mimic the nationalist populism of Trump or the authoritarian ambitions of Xi. As Phillip Lipscy of the University of Toronto alludes to in his essay "Japan: the harbinger state," Japan could chart its own course, offering a model of inclusive prosperity, sustainable development and creative adaptation to demographic change. It could position itself as a laboratory for solutions to challenges such as aging societies, work-life balance and technological disruption that other developed nations will soon face. It could leverage its cultural soft power and technological capabilities to shape global conversations about the future of human society. Developing such a vision requires political courage and the willingness to stick out, that is, to risk being hammered down. It demands leaders who prioritize long-term national interests over short-term political calculations. It necessitates a political culture that rewards innovation rather than punishing it and one that values bold thinking alongside careful consensus-building. The alternative is continued drift and a slow-motion crisis. Japan's challenges will not resolve themselves through incremental adjustments or wishful thinking. Where is the spirit and vision of the Meiji restorers, those who rebuilt Japan from the ashes of war after World War II or Abe and his team, who offered FOIP, Abenomics and the leadership that drove Japan to lead the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership? A compelling vision with concrete and achievable objectives would contribute not only to Japan's sustainable prosperity but also to its global influence. In an era when nationalist and authoritarian visions are ascendant worldwide, Japan could offer an alternative model, one that combines economic dynamism with social cohesion, technological innovation with cultural continuity, global engagement with national identity. The nail that sticks up may get hammered down, but the alternative is a political culture of timid conformity that guarantees only decline. Japan needs leaders willing to take that risk, to articulate bold visions and pursue transformative change. Until such leaders emerge, its enormous potential will be unrealized and its future increasingly uncertain. Stephen R. Nagy is a professor of politics and international studies at the International Christian University in Tokyo and concurrently a visiting fellow for the Hungarian Institute for International Affairs and the Japan Institute for International Affairs.
Nikkei Asia
2 hours ago
- Nikkei Asia
Japan's PM Ishiba vows to carry on despite big loss in upper house poll
Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba speaks to media at the LDP's headquarters in Tokyo on July 20. (Photo by Mayumi Tsumita) SHOTARO TANI TOKYO -- Japan's Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba vowed to stay on as the country's leader, even as his ruling coalition looked set to suffer a significant loss of seats in Sunday's upper house election. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party and its coalition partner Komeito are poised to end up with far fewer seats than the 141 they held in the chamber, even after including the 75 seats that were not up for re-election.
