Second Indonesian opposition politician jailed in controversial verdict
Bribery conviction pushes country's largest party farther away from Prabowo, experts say
Hasto Kristiyanto, secretary-general of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, speaks to journalists in January. He is sentenced to three and a half years in prison on July 25 over a 2019 bribery case. (Photo by Joseph Rachman)
ISMI DAMAYANTI
JAKARTA -- The Jakarta Anti-Corruption Court on Friday sentenced a senior Indonesian opposition politician to three and a half years in prison, its second graft conviction in a week in cases that critics slammed as politically charged.
The court declared Hasto Kristiyanto, secretary-general of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), guilty of bribery, ordering him also to pay a 250 million rupiah fine ($15,300) or spend an extra three months behind bars.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Diplomat
a day ago
- The Diplomat
How Prabowo is Rewriting Indonesia's Diplomatic Playbook
With 26 overseas visits in nine months, the president is betting big on face-to-face diplomacy. His approach has won visibility, but critics warn of unintended regional consequences. Under President Prabowo Subianto, Indonesian diplomacy has taken a distinctive turn. Rather than relying solely on his foreign ministry, Prabowo has been personally performing diplomatic roles on the international stage. In the nine months since his inauguration on October 21, 2024, he has visited 26 countries for bilateral and multilateral meetings. This practice of diplomacy at the highest level is known as summit diplomacy. It involves heads of state or government engaging directly with their counterparts to negotiate, build trust or assert national interests. Summit diplomacy is not new or uncommon in international relations. Many political leaders have, from time to time, taken direct control over aspects of foreign policy. Historically, summit diplomacy reflected the urgency or gravity of the issues at hand — topics such as war and peace, nuclear disarmament or the founding of new global institutions. These were seen as matters too consequential to be delegated entirely to professional diplomats. Examples include the meetings between British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and German Chancellor Adolf Hitler before World War II; the wartime conferences between Prime Minister Winston Churchill representing the U.K., President Franklin D. Roosevelt representing the United States, and Soviet leader Josef Stalin in 1945; U.S. President John F. Kennedy's 1961 summit with the USSR's Nikita Khrushchev; and U.S. President Ronald Reagan's meeting with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985. In more recent decades, however, summit diplomacy has broadened in scope. It is no longer confined to issues of high politics. Instead, it is increasingly used to advance economic, technological and regional agendas. Prabowo's approach fits within this trend, though his intensity and frequency of engagement mark a significant shift in Indonesia's diplomatic posture His preference for summit diplomacy may also reflect a key pledge, made during his presidential campaign, to raise Indonesia's global stature and expand its influence. Summit diplomacy supports this goal not only by enhancing visibility but also by signaling Indonesia's readiness to take on a more active role in global affairs. A president's personal involvement often attracts media attention and international recognition. More importantly, direct dialogue can build stronger bilateral ties and demonstrate Indonesia's commitment to multilateral frameworks. Mixed Results Prabowo, who was earlier defense minister, began his engagement with foreign affairs even before his inauguration as president by visiting 15 countries. At the 2023 Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, he sparked controversy with his proposal to end the war between Russia and Ukraine. Prabowo floated the idea of a demilitarized zone between Russia and Ukraine and a United Nations referendum in what he called disputed territory without consulting or informing his colleagues at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the president. His summit diplomacy as president has drawn praise from some quarters. His state visits to Saudi Arabia, Brazil, and various European countries have been described as highly productive. Indonesia's recent accession to the BRICS grouping of countries and his attendance at the 2025 BRICS Summit in Rio de Janeiro signalled Indonesia's deeper alignment with emerging global powers. A tangible outcome of Prabowo's summit diplomacy was the political agreement with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, which advanced the stalled Indonesia–European Union Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement. The agreement has since moved into its final negotiation stage. Similarly, Prabowo's direct phone diplomacy with U.S. President Donald Trump led to a breakthrough trade deal: the reduction of U.S. import tariffs on Indonesian goods from 32 percent to 19 percent. As a result, Indonesia now enjoys the lowest tariff rate of any Southeast Asian country trading with the United States. But summit diplomacy is not without its detractors. While it can help build partnerships or resolve crises, there are also instances where it has produced limited or even counterproductive outcomes. One such example is the 2018 meeting between Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un in Singapore. Hailed initially as a diplomatic breakthrough, the summit ended without a formal agreement and failed to halt North Korea's weapons program. Within months, tensions between the two countries had returned. The appeal of summit diplomacy lies in personal contact. When leaders meet face to face, they can cut through bureaucratic inertia and establish rapport that formal channels may struggle to achieve. However, the highly personalized nature of summit diplomacy also brings risk. Diplomacy conducted without sufficient institutional backing or consultation can lead to missteps. In Prabowo's case, his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in November 2024 has generated controversy. The joint development agreement signed between the two leaders in disputed maritime areas was criticized for overlooking the sensitivities of Indonesia's ASEAN neighbors. Analysts warned that the move could heighten tensions in the already volatile South China Sea. Prabowo was also seen as making another blunder with his plan to evacuate 1,000 Palestinians from Gaza. To support his plan, Prabowo travelled to the five key countries on the Palestinian issue: the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Turkey, Egypt, Qatar, and Jordan. However, the plan did not resonate positively at home. At the same time, the major Arab countries have made it very clear that they reject any relocation plans for Palestinians out of their territories in Gaza and the occupied West Bank. Role of Institutions These two policies illustrate a broader concern: summit diplomacy, while useful for signaling intent and building momentum, often lacks the institutional depth needed for durable policy outcomes. Many high-profile summits conclude with joint declarations but no clear mechanisms for follow-up implementation. To be effective, summit diplomacy needs to be integrated into a broader institutional framework. Institutionalization helps ensure that agreements are not only negotiated but also monitored, executed and evaluated. This is especially true in multilateral settings, where complex coordination is required. Indonesia's hosting of the G20 Summit in 2022 offers a model of institutionalized summit diplomacy. Despite deep global divisions at the time over the war in Ukraine, rising inflation and economic instability, the G20 produced a joint communiqué. Much of the credit went to the preparatory work done by sherpas, the senior government officials who engaged in months of negotiations to craft language acceptable to all sides. Without this groundwork, the summit might have ended in deadlock. As Indonesia under Prabowo pursues a more assertive foreign policy, summit diplomacy will likely remain a key instrument. However, to avoid the pitfalls of over-personalization, it must be supported by sustained institutional engagement, regional coordination and clear implementation strategies. Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.
Nikkei Asia
3 days ago
- Nikkei Asia
Ex-CEO of Indonesian aquaculture unicorn detained in fraud probe
Former eFishery CEO Gibran Huzaifah Amsi El Farizy speaks during an interview in Jakarta in December 2016. (Photo by Shinya Sawai) ISMI DAMAYANTI JAKARTA -- The former CEO of Indonesian aquaculture technology startup eFishery and two of his close associates have been detained by police on suspicion of financial misconduct.
Japan Today
7 days ago
- Japan Today
Indonesia set to release hundreds of prisoners under president's clemency plan
By NINIEK KARMINI Indonesia is set to begin releasing hundreds of convicts from its notoriously overcrowded prisons after parliament approved the first stage of President Prabowo Subianto's wide-ranging clemency plan. The first group of 1,116 will begin leaving prisons next week, and include prominent rivals of previous President Joko Widodo who were jailed during his term, as well as Papuan independence activists. The announcement was made late Thursday by the House of Representatives Deputy Speaker Sufmi Dasco Ahmad and Law Minister Supratman Andi Agtas after a consultation between the government and party factions in the legislature. Subianto surprised the nation barely two months after he took office in October when he said he planned to grant clemency to 44,000 inmates nationwide. Past Indonesian leaders have rarely used their amnesty powers, which require the approval of parliament. Agtas said the government is prioritizing prisoners with mental disorders, the elderly, critically ill and those convicted of blasphemy or insulting the country's leader. Among the convicts set to be released are several prominent opposition figures, including Hasto Kristiyanto, the Secretary General of the country's only formal opposition party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle. Kristiyanto, a former Widodo ally who turned to harshly criticize the former president and his family, was sentenced last week to 3.5 years in prison over bribery in a 2019 legislative seat appointment scheme. Agtas said parliament also approved an end to criminal proceedings against former Trade Minister Tom Lembong, a onetime Widodo ally who broke with him during the 2024 presidential election to support political rival Anies Baswedan. Lembong received a 4.5 year sentence and had been preparing to appeal it before Subianto proposed him for clemency. 'Both have demonstrated service to the nation, and our priority now is to strengthen the unity of the nation,' Agtas said. The group also includes six Papuan independence activists who are currently serving prison sentences for treason. Agtas said they were released the government considers their movement unarmed. Authorities are expected to submit a second list of 1,668 inmates to parliament in the near future, he added. © Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.
