
France opens terror case after Tunisian hairdresser shot dead in ‘racist act'
Hichem Miraoui, 45, a Tunisian hairdresser who lived in the village of Puget-sur-Argents, near the Mediterranean town of Fréjus, was shot five times near his home late on Saturday and died at the scene.
As local people laid flowers outside Miraoui's hairdressing shop on Tuesday and prepared to attend a march in his memory this weekend, the murder prompted warnings from anti-racism groups about trivialising racist rhetoric.
The suspected killer, a 53-year-old French man believed to be Miraoui's neighbour, is thought to have fled by car and was arrested nearby after his partner alerted police. He is also thought to have wounded a Turkish man in the hand.
The regional prosecutor, Pierre Couttenier, said the alleged killer, a sports shooting enthusiast, 'posted two videos on his social media account containing racist and hateful content before and after his attack'.
French media reported that the man had sworn allegiance to the French flag and had called on French people to seek out and shoot people of foreign origin.
Specialised prosecutors said they had opened an investigation into a 'terrorist plot' motivated by the race or religion of the victims. The suspect wanted to 'disrupt public order through terror', a source close to the case told Agence France-Presse.
The classification of the fatal shooting as a potential terrorist act is significant: it is the first time since the national anti-terrorism prosecution unit was created in 2019 that an apparently racist murder has been investigated for potential connections to ultra-right terrorist ideology.
The murder comes less than two months after Aboubakar Cissé, a Malian man who had trained in France as a carpenter, was stabbed to death inside a mosque where he volunteered in the southern French town of La Grand-Combe. The French national accused of the attack surrendered to Italian authorities after three days on the run and was extradited to France.
Mourad Battikh, a lawyer for Miraoui's family, said: 'Hichem's death is the direct consequence of an atmosphere fed by stigmatisation … and the trivialisation of racist violence.'
He later told France Info radio: 'We're looking at an ideology here, a premeditation. Here is an individual who probably did not act alone, who at least did not act on impulse.' He added: 'We must take the time to reflect and ask ourselves how do individuals manage to carry out the most hateful crime – to take a life – in the name of the French flag. Today, the French flag is being made into the standard of a hateful ideology.'
Earlier, the anti-discrimination NGO, SOS Racisme, spoke of a 'poisonous climate' in France and what it called the 'trivialisation of racist rhetoric'.
Bruno Retailleau, the hardline interior minister and head of the rightwing party Les Républicains, denounced Miraoui's murder as a 'racist act'. He told reporters: 'Racism in France and elsewhere is a poison, and we can see that it is a poison that kills. Every racist act is an anti-French act.'
Retailleau had been criticised for failing to travel to the scene of Cissé's murder in April.
Aurore Bergé, the minister for equality and anti-discrimination, told France Info: 'The state is mobilising against all forms of hatred.'
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The Independent
a minute ago
- The Independent
Hollyoaks star asks late mother's friends not to attend stepfather's funeral
Hollyoaks actor Callum Kerr has requested that friends of his late mother not attend his stepfather's funeral, after the couple were found dead in what is being treated as a murder-suicide. Andrew Searle and Dawn Kerr, who were both aged in their 60s, were found dead in their home in the south of France in the early afternoon of February 6. Mrs Kerr was found lying dead in front of her house, partly undressed and with a significant head injury, while Mr Searle was found hanged inside the property, which is in the hamlet of Les Pesquies in Villefranche-de-Rouergue, Aveyron. Police launched an investigation to establish whether the couple died as a result of a murder-suicide or if a third party was involved. Prosecutor Fabrice Belargent previously said that 'the analysis carried out does not so far show any evidence that a third party was involved'. In a statement on Tuesday, Mr Kerr said it would be 'inappropriate' for his mother's memory to be 'associated with a service honouring the man who, based on all available evidence, may have been responsible for her death'. He called for the funeral arrangements for the pair to be kept separate and for photographs showing the couple together not to be shared. A map of Villefranche-de-Rouergue: The full statement, which is signed by Kerr and his sister Amanda Kerr, reads: 'In the absence of any evidence suggesting third-party involvement in the tragic death of our mother, Dawn Kerr, the prevailing hypothesis remains that of a murder-suicide. 'Our mother was killed by multiple blows to the head, and Andrew was found deceased by hanging. 'His injuries are consistent with self-hanging, and no defensive wounds were found on his body. 'There is also no evidence of any third party's involvement at this stage. 'While the official investigation is still ongoing, we cannot ignore the circumstances as they stand. 'For this reason, we must respectfully but firmly request that our mother not be included in any way in the funeral arrangements being made for Andrew. 'Please do not share photographs of them together. 'Please do not attend Andrew's service if you were a friend of our mother. 'It would be inappropriate for her memory to be associated with a service honouring the man who, based on all available evidence, may have been responsible for her death. 'We ask for understanding, privacy and respect as we continue to grieve and seek justice for our mum.' Callum Kerr played Pc George Kiss in the popular Channel 4 soap opera, and appeared in Netflix 's Virgin River. According to his LinkedIn page, Mr Searle was a retired fraud investigator specialising in financial crime prevention who worked at companies including Standard Life and Barclays. A statement issued by French prosecutors in February said: 'The two deceased persons, a man and a woman, were the owners of the house in which their bodies were discovered. 'They were British expatriates, retired, and had been living in Aveyron for five years. 'The first victim, Ms Kerr, has a significant head injury. 'A box containing jewellery was found near her, but no item or weapon which could have caused the injuries were located. 'Mr Searle, who was found hanged… did not show any visible defensive injuries.' If you are experiencing feelings of distress, or are struggling to cope, you can speak to the Samaritans, in confidence, on 116 123 (UK and ROI), email jo@ or visit the Samaritans website to find details of your nearest branch. If you are based in the USA, and you or someone you know needs mental health assistance right now, call or text 988, or visit to access online chat from the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline. This is a free, confidential crisis hotline that is available to everyone 24 hours a day, seven days a week.


Times
7 minutes ago
- Times
How postwar Germans tried to censor films with Nazi villains
Running throughout the middle of the 1960s, Combat! was one of the most vivid and successful Second World War dramas yet aired on the small screen. Its fictional but meticulously realistic account of an American infantry unit battling through German-occupied France after D-Day left millions, from Toronto to Taiwan, Los Angeles to Lima, glued to their black-and-white television sets every week. Yet it stuck in the craw for one group of viewers: West German officialdom. Two decades after the end of the war, diplomats and civil servants were horrified by what they saw as a flood of 'anti-German' films and television series that slandered the Wehrmacht soldiers as villains. 'You see them plundering, committing arson and murdering women and children,' the West German outpost in Caracas wrote in a cable to the foreign ministry, adding that it was quietly lobbying to have Combat! taken off the airwaves. This was part of a clandestine international campaign to try to suppress unflattering depictions of the Third Reich's war machine, which is detailed in a landmark historical study of the postwar West German government. It was an era in which Germans still widely believed in the myth of the 'clean Wehrmacht', which maintained that the Nazi military and its generals were mere soldiers doing their jobs and innocent of war crimes. Where atrocities had been committed, the theory held, the Nazi dictatorship and its 'party soldiers' in the SS were to blame. Later scholarship demonstrated conclusively that this was not the case: the Wehrmacht had in fact committed numerous war crimes on its own initiative, including the massacres of thousands of prisoners of war, the killing of tens of thousands of civilians and the rape of as many as ten million women. However, the West German state under Konrad Adenauer, the chancellor from 1949 to 1963, insisted on its innocence as a matter of policy. This was not just a political strategy to court the votes of millions of Wehrmacht veterans; it was also viewed as an essential part of the justification for West Germany's rearmament against the threat from the Soviet bloc from the early 1950s. • Secret files reveal the Nazis chosen to run West Germany In 1951 Adenauer had even persuaded Dwight Eisenhower, who had led the Allied assault on Nazi Germany and then became the supreme commander of Nato forces in Europe, to issue a statement absolving the 'great majority' of German soldiers. This belief was so entrenched that West German officials were outraged by postwar films that shed light on the Third Reich's crimes against humanity. Some of these incidents are already notorious: in 1956, for example, the West German interior ministry and embassy in Paris tried to have Night and Fog, the French director Alain Resnais' award-winning documentary about the Auschwitz and Majdanek death camps, withdrawn from the programme at the Cannes film festival. Jutta Braun, a senior researcher at the Leibniz Centre for Contemporary History in Potsdam, has uncovered evidence that these efforts were much more extensive than previously known, and lasted until well into the 1970s. Sifting through the archives of the German Federal Press Office (BPA), Braun found officials had not only maintained a list of 'anti-German propaganda' in war films but also used underhand means to try to get them pulled from cinemas and television schedules. Its targets were numerous: not only Combat! and Night and Fog but also other popular American series such as The Rat Patrol, which told the story of American and British soldiers trying to sabotage Rommel's Afrika Korps, and Jericho, which followed British, American and French spies behind enemy lines. In 1965 the West German embassy in Washington, led by an ambassador who had previously headed the anti-American propaganda section in the Nazi German foreign ministry, went so far as to blame 'the type of Jewish liberal who has great influence in the modern communications industry' for the tide of 'hate-films' that had added murderous German soldiers to the pantheon of 'bad guys'. The campaign also affected Canada, where the public broadcaster, CBC, had aired a documentary about the Warsaw Ghetto uprising of 1943 and a film from 1944 that imagined the prosecution of Nazi war criminals. The West German embassy complained that it was 'defaming' a Nato ally and secured an apology from the head of CBC, who said the scheduling had been a mistake by his staff. Other diplomats suggested using threats and financial pressure to bully the films' sponsors and distributors into backing out. 'We do not wish to impose a political burden on our export sector, but the embassy regards an intensified pressure in this area as promising,' the embassy in Guatemala wrote back to Bonn in 1967, as the central American state was gripped by enthusiasm for Combat!. One member of staff in the Washington embassy boasted of having persuaded a Kentucky-based tobacco company to pull its sponsorship for an unspecified Second World War television series. In 1965 the embassy planted articles in the Staats-Zeitung und Herold, one of the biggest German-language newspapers in the US, that called on Americans with German roots to lodge protests with the broadcasters, the sponsors and their local congressmen. It explicitly called this a 'campaign … with the goal of curbing anti-German television broadcasts'. Not even WGBH, a worthy public broadcaster in Boston that relayed programmes from West Germany, was spared. The embassy criticised it for making an English-language version of a German documentary about everyday life in a concentration camp instead of picking up an 'excellent' television adaptation of Friedrich Schiller's play Don Carlos. 'This 'defensive battle' against so-called 'anti-German' films, especially in the United States, shows how hard the BPA was working to uphold the 'honour of the German soldier',' Braun said, adding that it 'reveals the authoritarian understanding of the state' and lack of a 'pluralistic view of the world'. Britain got off lightly. The embassy in London kept a watchful eye on popular series such as Colditz, an early 1970s drama about Allied prisoners of war trying to escape from Colditz Castle in Saxony, and Fawlty Towers. This was not always a comfortable experience: when the West German broadcaster WDR syndicated Fawlty Towers in 1978, it omitted the famous 'Don't mention the war' episode in which Basil Fawlty cannot keep himself from abusing a family of German hotel guests. Yet the West German diplomats in the UK were on the whole much more restrained than their counterparts in the Americas, praising the quality of television shows such as the documentary series Inside Germany and Thames Television's 1975 programme The Final Solution: Auschwitz. In fact the embassy was sanguine when the BBC broadcast a strident wartime propaganda film called 49th Parallel in 1974, more than 30 years after it was a hit in cinemas, and a London correspondent for the Welt newspaper published an apoplectic editorial calling on the West German government to defend its veterans. Karl-Günther von Hase, the West German ambassador in London and a previous head of the BPA, was forgiving of the British public's taste in war films and saw the issue in a more nuanced light. Most of the commentary in the British press, he noted, had come out against the 'glut of 'stupid-Hun' films'. He cabled to Bonn: 'There is scarcely any western country where the experience of the war has remained so alive as it has here. Britain had to fiercely defend its existence and mobilise the very last of its strength in two world wars.' Braun also found intriguing evidence that Britain might have meddled in the German media on at least one occasion. In the 1950s the Overseas News Agency, a New York-based entity that was secretly funded by what is now known as MI6, approached the BPA with a plan to plant positive articles about the history of soldiery, from Alexander the Great to the present day, in dozens of local newspapers. The BPA, which thought the idea fit with its own secret strategy of 'counter-infiltration', handed the agency 2,700 deutschmarks (a little over €8,000 in today's terms) to help it deliver the texts to 90 West German publications. Braun said it was not entirely clear whether the articles about soldiers were a covert British attempt to tilt the West German population towards supporting rearmament, or simply an opportunistic scheme dreamt up by the agency's go-between with the government in Bonn. However, she said these dark arts and the murky nexus of intelligence, spin and journalism were characteristic of the postwar years. Early in his chancellorship, Adenauer told Otto Lenz, his chief of staff, that the 'most urgent' priority was 'the establishment of appealing propaganda' for the state. Various proposals circulated at the highest level of his government for upgrading the BPA into a 'propaganda ministry' reminiscent of its Nazi predecessor under Joseph Goebbels, but in the service of democratic ideals. Although these plans were ultimately discarded, the BPA still 'stood in the shadow' of Goebbels's super-ministry, according to Braun. It stooped to methods such as suppressing its own opinion polling whenever the results cast the Germans in an unfavourable light, such as a study that found only 12 per cent of them had a positive opinion of Jews. It also hired several senior officials who had previously worked in Goebbels's propaganda apparatus. Felix von Eckardt, who ran the office from 1952 to 1955, had written more than 25 screenplays during the Third Reich, including The Dismissal (1942), which implied Hitler was Bismarck's true heir. Hans Schirmer, director of its overseas department in the 1950s, had joined the Nazi party weeks after Hitler seized power in 1933 and worked for Goebbels's ministry. A number of others had worked for the regime's newspapers. 'I was astonished how easy it was even for former journalists at Nazi, antisemitic hate-sheets such as Der Angriff or the Völkischer Beobachter to get jobs at the press office,' Braun said. 'And how simple it seems to have been for these people to 'write in any direction' — before 1945 in the service of the Nazi war of aggression, and then in the young Federal Republic to improve the image of the postwar democracy.' In the end, however, the BPA never attained anything like the level of power or influence that the propaganda ministry had wielded under the Third Reich, and democratically minded officials in its upper echelons often shot down the more outlandish plans for manipulating the public. Braun cited a 'witticism' from Von Hase: 'Goebbels sold criminal policies dangerously well. You could plausibly claim that our policies weren't criminal, but you also have to admit that they weren't dangerously well sold either.' 'That is correct,' Braun added. 'And, of course, it's a good thing.' The study is published in Das Kanzleramt: Bundesdeutsche Demokratie und NS Vergangenheit (The Chancellery: West German Democracy and the Nazi Past) by Jutta Braun, Nadine Freund, Christian Mentel and Gunnar Take


Spectator
an hour ago
- Spectator
Trump must not give Kim Jong Un the recognition he craves
When dealing with rogue states, being pessimistic often means being realistic. The much-anticipated summit between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin last week allowed the Russian leader to relish the bright Alaskan lights of summitry with Trump, buy the precious commodity of time, all while maintaining his ambition to defeat Ukraine. Amidst this week's numerous meetings between Trump and Volodymyr Zelenskyy, a resolution to the Ukraine war remains elusive. But we must not forget that hours before Trump and Putin met in Alaska, another high-level meeting took place in Pyongyang between Kim Jong Un and the Chairman of Russia's state Duma. It was a stark reminder that ending the Ukraine war on the battlefield is not going to end the ties between Pyongyang and Moscow. The date of 15 August 2025 now holds significance for the trajectory of the Ukraine war, but whether it marks the start of a drawn-out process of negotiations between Moscow, Washington, and Kyiv or continued lip service from Putin remains to be seen. Yet for different reasons, 15 August is also a day of commemoration on the Korean Peninsula, signifying the liberation of Korea from Japanese colonial rule as the second world war neared its conclusion. Unusually, it is one of the only public holidays celebrated across both sides of the Demilitarised Zone. For North Korea, the occasion is a moment to chastise the once-imperial power of Japan, and – on some but not all years – host military parades in Pyongyang's Kim Il Sung Square. After all, according to North Korea's false narrative, Kim Il Sung led an anti-Japanese guerrilla movement all by himself in the 1930s. In South Korea, 15 August marks the day the country became a separate state to the communist North in 1948 and often witnesses the South Korean president outlining their vision for inter-Korean relations and, of course, their relations with Japan. Hours before Trump and Putin were to meet, the visit by yet another confidante of Putin to Pyongyang only stressed how the Ukraine war is not over and any deal acceptable to all sides is a long way off. It was not just Trump who would roll out the red carpet for Putin. Kim Jong Un would do the same to Vyacheslav Volodin, who would later deliver a letter to the North Korean leader from Putin himself, thanking him for North Korea's military support in his fight against Ukraine. This week's meetings between Trump, Zelenskyy, and European Union leaders make clear that whilst the interests most directly at stake in the war remain those of Kyiv, Moscow, and Washington, there are other parties. The escalating North Korea-Russia relationship – which Kim Jong Un once again described as 'invincible' – has meant that South Korea is no longer a peripheral observer to the war. With military and missile technology likely heading from Moscow to Pyongyang – which will be relished by North Korea in helping to develop its nuclear and missile capabilities – a swift conclusion to the war is firmly in Seoul's interests. Yet, although South Korea has supplied tanks, howitzers, and FA-50 fighter jets to Poland, which subsequently transfers the arms to Ukraine, Seoul remains reluctant to supply lethal assistance directly. Just over a week after having met Putin, Zelenskyy, and Western leaders, Trump will host South Korea's leftist President Lee Jae-myung in Washington on 25 August for the first summit between the two leaders. Whilst the infamous tariffs – which negotiations between Seoul and Washington have reduced to 15 per cent – will dominate talks, another topic of discussion will be the US-South Korean alliance amidst Trump's calls for South Korea to pay more for the US's extended deterrence and security guarantee. How to deal with the intractable issue of North Korea will also likely feature at a time when left-wing Lee has proclaimed that South Korea does not seek to 'absorb' the North and wishes to 'usher in a new era of peace on the Korean Peninsula'. Speaking of peace on the Korean Peninsula is all well and good, but akin to the case of Russia, Seoul must not underestimate Pyongyang's penchant and strategy for continued delinquency. For all Trump's intentions to meet Kim Jong Un and Lee's calls for reconciliation and dialogue with Seoul's northern neighbour, Seoul and Washington must make clear how the world cannot give Kim Jong Un what he wants, namely international recognition of North Korea as a nuclear-armed state. The easy way to convince North Korea to improve its behaviour may be to ease sanctions, but Seoul and Washington must resist this time-old urge. Giving Pyongyang benefits will only lead to further abuse, a logic which can also apply to Russia. There is no such thing as a free lunch. As global eyes were fixed on Alaska, Kim Jong Un lauded the 'friendship and unity' between North Korean and Russian soldiers in the ongoing fight against 'a mutual enemy'. Identifying this undefined mutual enemy, however, was no Sisyphean task: it was not just Ukraine or the United States but also the broader West. For as long as we must wait for the next Trump-Putin or Trump-Kim meeting – in Moscow or elsewhere – Russia and its allies will not relent in forging a 'coalition of the willing', united in their opposition of the United States, its allies, and its leadership of international order. For this reason, the West cannot capitulate.