logo
Trump tariffs push Asia toward American LNG at the cost of climate goals

Trump tariffs push Asia toward American LNG at the cost of climate goals

Asian countries are offering to buy more US liquefied natural gas in negotiations with the Trump administration as a way to alleviate tensions over US trade deficits and forestall higher tariffs. Analysts warn that strategy could undermine those countries' long-term climate ambitions and energy security.
Buying more US LNG has topped the list of concessions Asian countries have offered in talks with Washington over President Donald Trump's sweeping tariffs on foreign goods. Vietnam's Prime Minister underlined the need to buy more of the super-chilled fuel in a government meeting, and the government signed a deal in May with an American company to develop a gas import hub.
JERA, Japan's largest power generator, signed new 20-year contracts last month to purchase up to 5.5 million metric tons of US gas annually starting around 2030.
US efforts to sell more LNG to Asia predate the Trump administration, but they've gained momentum with his intense push to win trade deals.
Liquefied natural gas, or LNG, is natural gas cooled to a liquid form for easy storage and transport that is used as a fuel for transport, residential cooking and heating and industrial processes.
Trump discussed cooperation on a $44 billion Alaska LNG project with South Korea, prompting a visit by officials to the site in June.
The US president has promoted the project as a way to supply gas from Alaska's vast North Slope to a liquefication plant at Nikiski in south-central Alaska, with an eye largely on exports to Asian countries while bypassing the Panama Canal Thailand has offered to commit to a long-term deal for American fuel and shown interest in the same Alaska project to build a nearly 810-mile (1,300-kilometer) pipeline that would funnel gas from
The Philippines is also considering importing gas from Alaska while India is mulling a plan to scrap import taxes on US energy shipments to help narrow its trade surplus with Washington.
Trump has put pressure on a seeming plethora of Asian trading partners to buy more US LNG, said Tim Daiss, at the APAC Energy Consultancy, pointing out that Japan had agreed to buy more despite being so awash in the fuel that it was being forced to cancel projects and contracts to offload the excess to Asia's growing economies.
Not good for Southeast Asia's sustainability goals, he said.
LNG deals could derail renewable ambitions Experts say LNG purchasing agreements can slow adoption of renewable energy in Asia.
Locking into long-term deals could leave countries with outdated infrastructure as the world shifts rapidly toward cleaner energy sources like solar or wind that offer faster, more affordable ways to meet growing power demand, said Indra Overland, head of the Center for Energy Research at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs.
Building pipelines, terminals, and even household gas stoves creates systems that are expensive and difficult to replacemaking it harder to switch to renewables later. And you're more likely then to get stuck for longer, he said.
Energy companies that profit from gas or coal are powerful vested interests, swaying policy to favor their business models, he said.
LNG burns cleaner than coal, but it's still a fossil fuel that emits greenhouse gases and contributes to climate change.
Many LNG contracts include take-or-pay clauses, obliging governments to pay even if they don't use the fuel. Christopher Doleman of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis warns that if renewable energy grows fast, reducing the need for LNG, countries may still have to pay for gas they no longer need.
Pakistan is an example. Soaring LNG costs drove up electricity prices, pushing consumers to install rooftop solar panels. As demand for power drops and gas supply surges, the country is deferring LNG shipments and trying to resell excess fuel.
The LNG math doesn't add up
Experts said that although countries are signalling a willingness to import more US LNG, they're unlikely to import enough to have a meaningful impact on US trade deficits.
South Korea would need to import 121 million metric tons of LNG in a year 50% more than the total amount of LNG the US exported globally last year and triple what South Korea imported, said Doleman. Vietnam with a trade surplus with the U.S. twice the size of Korea's would need to import 181 million metric tons annually, more than double what the U.S. exported last year.
Other obstacles stand in the way. The Alaska LNG project is widely considered uneconomic. Both coal and renewable energy in Asia are so much cheaper that U.S. gas would need to cost less than half its current price to compete. Tariffs on Chinese steel could make building building gas pipelines and LNG terminals more expensive, while longstanding delays to build new gas turbines mean new gas power projects may not come online until 2032.
Meanwhile, a global glut in LNG will likely drive prices lower, making it even harder for countries to justify locking into long-term deals with the United States at current higher prices.
LNG deals raise energy security concerns
Committing to long-term US LNG contracts could impact regional energy security at a time of growing geopolitical and market uncertainties, analysts said.
A core concern is over the longterm stability of the US as a trading partner, said Overland. The US is not a very predictable entity. And to rely on energy from there is a very risky proposition, he said.
LNG only contributes to energy security when it's available and affordable, says Dario Kenner of Zero Carbon Analytics.
That's the bit that they leave out ... But it's pretty important, he said.
This was the concern during the recent potential disruptions to fuel shipments through the Strait of Hormuz and earlier during the war in Ukraine, when LNG cargoes originally destined for Asia were rerouted to Europe. Despite having contracts, Asian countries like Bangladesh and Sri Lanka were outbid by European buyers.
Events in Europe, which can seem very far away, can have an impact on availability and prices in Asia, Kenner said.
Asian countries can improve their energy security and make progress toward cutting carbon emissions by building more renewable energy, he said, noting there is vast room for that given that only about 1% of Southeast Asia's solar and wind potential is being used.
There are genuine choices to meet rising electricity demand. It is not just having to build LNG, he said.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

US legal backing for Stablecoin starts regulatory debate in India
US legal backing for Stablecoin starts regulatory debate in India

Business Standard

time17 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

US legal backing for Stablecoin starts regulatory debate in India

Supporters say crypto can be used for purposes as varied as managing government subsidies and trade settlements Mumbai Listen to This Article US President Donald Trump last week signed a law to create a regulatory regime for dollar-pegged cryptocurrencies known as stablecoins, cheering supporters of such digital assets and prompting a debate in India. Stablecoins are designed to maintain a stable value by being pegged to a fiat currency like the US dollar or other assets, in contrast to the volatility seen in other cryptocurrencies. Tether and USD Coin, the most popular stablecoins, are backed by the US dollar in a 1:1 ratio. That means each stablecoin is intended to be backed by one US dollar in value. 'Stablecoin promises instant txn

The Mission: Tim Weiner's book explains how the CIA lost its way
The Mission: Tim Weiner's book explains how the CIA lost its way

Business Standard

time17 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

The Mission: Tim Weiner's book explains how the CIA lost its way

Throughout The Mission, Weiner hammers on an agency that seems to be repeatedly blinded by its sense of American supremacy NYT THE MISSION: CIA in the 21st Century by Tim Weiner Published by Mariner 452 pages $35 On June 21, President Trump took to the airwaves to announce that his secret directive for the bombing of Iran's nuclear facilities had just been carried out. 'Tonight,' he proclaimed, 'I can report to the world that the strikes were a spectacular military success,' with those facilities 'completely and totally obliterated.' Trump's triumphalist tone was swiftly undercut by a preliminary Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) analysis that found the airstrikes were likely to set back Iran's nuclear capabilities by a mere few months. The furious president not only doubled down on his 'obliterated' claim but insisted that further analysis would confirm it. Sure enough, his Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) director, John Ratcliffe, soon scurried forward to cast doubt on the DIA's assessment and to insist that 'new intelligence' from an unidentified source confirmed the sites had been 'severely damaged,' not quite Trump's adverb of choice, but close. Nothing on the ground is any clearer now, but to many observers one thing is: These events served as yet another example of the rank politicisation of America's pre-eminent intelligence agency. As Tim Weiner demonstrates in The Mission, this trend is likely only to accelerate with Trump in the White House. Both as a one-time reporter for The New York Times and as a book author, Weiner has made tracking the fluctuating fortunes of the American intelligence community his life's work. His masterly 'Legacy of Ashes,' detailing the CIA's first half-century, won a National Book Award in 2007. The Mission picks up where that book left off, narrating the agency's history beyond the fall of communism. It is exhaustive and prodigiously researched, but also curiously ungainly. The story begins in the 1990s. Grasping for a new mission in the wake of the Cold War, the CIA played a supporting role in the war on drugs, and then, after the 9/11 attacks, the war on terror. Agents hunted for the Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan and tortured high-value prisoners in hopes of gaining information on future attacks. Much of the testimony, Weiner writes, was gathered by a quickly raised army of often inexperienced interrogators. At the same time, Weiner notes, intelligence officers often felt their intelligence was beside the point. As one former CIA Iraq operations chief insists, 'These guys would have gone to war if Saddam had a rubber band and a paper clip.' Throughout The Mission, Weiner hammers on an agency that seems to be repeatedly blinded by its sense of American supremacy. In the past decade and a half, the CIA has been caught off guard again and again, including in China, where the country's intelligence services apparently excel at rooting out and killing American assets. The agency was also back-footed by the onset of the Arab Spring uprisings in 2010, Weiner writes, because US spies depended on the accuracy of information coming from aging counterparts within the dictatorial regimes that were about to crumble in the unrest. Weiner saves his greatest scorn, however, for the first Trump administration, detailing both the vast web of contacts between his campaign staff and Russian intelligence officials as well as Trump's subsequent efforts to bring the CIA to heel, even as he leaned on his intelligence advisers to vet his rash proposals. 'How would we do,' Trump's first CIA director, Mike Pompeo, later recalled the president musing, 'if we went to war with Mexico?' There is something simultaneously illuminating and saddening in contemplating the course the CIA has travelled during the past quarter-century. In this regard, one episode Weiner recounts stands out. In 2007, the CIA gathered compelling evidence that Syria, no friend of the US, was well on its way to building a nuclear weapon. The news set off a spirited debate within the Bush administration over whether it should launch a pre-emptive strike to eliminate the site. The idea was vehemently opposed by one of Bush's closest advisers — 'We don't do Pearl Harbors' — and the bombing scheme was shelved (though it was taken over by a country willing to do the job: Israel). Compare that with Trump's 'Pearl Harbor' assault on Iran's nuclear facilities even though the CIA and almost every other Western intelligence agency had concluded that Iran was not developing a nuclear weapon. The attack starkly underscored just how shamelessly the American intelligence community has already succumbed to Trump's will. In this regard, Weiner's warnings about the peril facing both the CIA and the US seem prophetic.

Wall Street week ahead: Investors eye Q2 earnings from Tesla, Google, Intel, General Motors, and Jerome Powell's speech
Wall Street week ahead: Investors eye Q2 earnings from Tesla, Google, Intel, General Motors, and Jerome Powell's speech

Mint

time17 minutes ago

  • Mint

Wall Street week ahead: Investors eye Q2 earnings from Tesla, Google, Intel, General Motors, and Jerome Powell's speech

Wall Street investors' major focus in the week ahead will be on the second quarter earnings from some of the big American companies. Electric vehicle giant Tesla, IT behemoth Google-parent Alphabet, Coca-Cola, Intel, Verizon, General Motors, and IBM are scheduled to declare their earnings. The economic calendar next week will be fairly light, with market participants to receive data on existing home sales, initial jobless claims, and S&P Global's flash services and manufacturing PMIs. The traders will also closely monitor Federal Reserve chair Jerome Powell's speech at a conference for clues on the US central bank's monetary policy ahead. On July 21 (Monday), a report on US leading economic indicators for June will be released. On July 22 (Tuesday), Fed Chair Powell is slated to give opening remarks at a banking conference. On July 23 (Wednesday), data on existing home sales for June will be released. On July 24 (Thursday), separate reports on initial jobless claims for the week ended July 19, S&P flash US services PMI for July, S&P flash manufacturing PMI for July, and new home sales for June will be released. On July 25 (Friday), data on durable-goods orders for June will be released. Following companies are due to report second quarter results in the week ahead — Verizon, Domino's Pizza, Coca-Cola, Philip Morris, Lockheed Martin, General Motors, Alphabet, Tesla, IBM, AT&T, Blackstone, Honeywell, Intel, Nasdaq, Phillips 66, and Centene. US stocks ended mixed on Friday amid a Financial Times report indicating US President Donald Trump was pushing for steep new tariffs on European Union products. The report said the Trump administration was eyeing a minimum tariff of between 15% and 20% in any deal with the EU. The S&P 500 fell 0.57 points, or 0.01%, to 6,296.79, and the Nasdaq Composite rose 10.01 points, or 0.05%, to 20,895.66. The Dow Jones Industrial Average lost 142.30 points, or 0.32%, to 44,342.19. For the week, the S&P 500 added 0.59%, the Nasdaq gained 1.5%, and the Dow slipped 0.07%.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store