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Indian Express
7 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Trump and Epstein's 15-year bond: Parties, jets and women
In the swirl of money and suntanned women that was their Palm Beach-and-Manhattan set, Donald Trump and Jeffrey Epstein spent nearly 15 years mingling side by side as public friends. There were lavish dinners with boldface names at Epstein's mansion on New York City's Upper East Side and raucous parties with cheerleaders and models at Trump's private club and residence at Mar-a-Lago in Florida. In between, there were trips back and forth from Florida to New York on one of Epstein's private jets. But behind the tabloid glamour, questions have lingered about what Trump's long association with Epstein says about his judgment and character, especially as his allies have stoked sinister claims about Epstein's connections to Democrats. After their relationship ruptured, the disgraced financier ended up behind bars not just once, but two times, after being accused of engaging in sex with teenage girls. One of the young women who later said Epstein groomed and abused her was recruited into his world while working as a spa attendant at Mar-a-Lago. Another accuser recalled being eyed by Trump during a brief encounter in Epstein's office, and claimed that Epstein had told Trump at the time, 'She's not for you.' Another woman has said that Trump groped her when Epstein brought her to Trump Tower in Manhattan to meet him. This past week, The Wall Street Journal reported that Trump gave Epstein a note for his 50th birthday in 2003 that included a sketch of a naked woman and a cryptic reference to a 'secret' the two men shared. Trump has denied writing the message and filed a libel lawsuit Friday challenging the story. The New York Times has not verified the Journal report. Trump has never been accused of wrongdoing in connection with the Epstein case, and has said he had 'no idea' that Epstein was abusing young women. In response to a request for comment about the president's history with Epstein, Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said Trump had barred Epstein from his Mar-a-Lago club 'for being a creep.' 'These stories are tired and pathetic attempts to distract from all the success of President Trump's administration,' she said in a statement. Trump and Epstein largely went separate ways after a falling-out around 2004, taking drastically different paths — one toward jail and suicide, the other toward further celebrity and the White House. As criticism of the handling of Epstein's case mounted over the years, some of Trump's staunchest allies promoted theories that the government had covered up the extent of his network to protect what they have described as a cabal of powerful men and celebrities, largely Democrats. Now, that story has entangled Trump himself in what amounts to one of the biggest controversies in his second White House stint. The conflict has come primarily from his own appointees, who, after months of promoting interest in the files, abruptly changed course and said there was no secret Epstein client list and backed the official finding that Epstein had killed himself. Still, under mounting pressure from his own supporters to release the government's files on Epstein, the president this past week ordered the Justice Department to seek the unsealing of grand jury testimony in the criminal case brought against Epstein in 2019 and one year later against his longtime partner, Ghislaine Maxwell, who is serving a 20-year sentence on a sex-trafficking conviction. She has asked the Supreme Court to consider her appeal. Even if they are released, the transcripts are unlikely to shed much light on the relationship between the two men, which did not figure prominently in either criminal case. What seemed to draw them together, according to those who knew them at the time, was a common interest in hitting on — and competing for — attractive young women at parties, nightclubs and other private events. Trump and Epstein appear to have met around 1990, when Epstein bought a property 2 miles north of Mar-a-Lago and set about staking a claim in Palm Beach's moneyed, salt-air social scene. Trump, who had purchased Mar-a-Lago five years earlier, had already established his own brash presence in the seaside enclave as a playboy with a taste for gold-leaf finery. The two had much in common. Both were outer-borough New Yorkers who had succeeded in Manhattan. Both were energetic self-promoters. And both had reputations as showy men about town. In 1992, an NBC News camera captured the pair at a Mar-a-Lago party that featured cheerleaders from the Buffalo Bills, who were in town that weekend for a game against the Miami Dolphins. At one point in the footage, Trump can be seen dancing amid a crowd of young women. Later, he appears to be pointing at other women while whispering something in Epstein's ear, causing him to double over with laughter. Months later, when Trump hosted a party at Mar-a-Lago for young women in a so-called calendar girl competition, Epstein was the only other guest, according to George Houraney, a Florida-based businessman who arranged the event. Houraney recalled being surprised that Epstein was the only other person on the guest list. 'I said, 'Donald, this is supposed to be a party with VIPs,'' Houraney told the Times in 2019. 'You're telling me it's you and Epstein?'' Houraney's then-girlfriend and business partner, Jill Harth, later accused Trump of sexual misconduct on the night of the party. In a lawsuit, Harth said Trump took her into a bedroom and forcibly kissed and groped her, and restrained her from leaving. She also said that a 22-year-old contestant told her that Trump later that night crawled into her bed uninvited. Harth dropped her suit in 1997 after a related case filed by Houraney was settled by Trump, who has denied her allegations. Trump and Epstein were spotted again at a 1997 Victoria's Secret 'Angels' party in Manhattan. The lingerie company was run by Leslie H. Wexner, a billionaire businessman who handed Epstein sweeping power over his finances, philanthropy and private life within years of meeting him. Court records show that Trump was among those who got rides on Epstein's private jet. Over four years in the 1990s, he flew on Epstein's Boeing 727 at least seven times, largely making jaunts between Palm Beach and a private airport in Teterboro, New Jersey, just outside New York. 'I've known Jeff for 15 years. Terrific guy,' Trump told New York magazine in 2002. 'He's a lot of fun to be with. It is even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side. No doubt about it — Jeffrey enjoys his social life.' An Encounter at Mar-a-Lago In 2000, court records show, Maxwell, a British socialite who had long been tied to Epstein, struck up a conversation with a 17-year-old girl outside a locker room at Mar-a-Lago. Her name was Virginia Giuffre, and she was a spa attendant at the club, having gotten the job through her father, who worked there as a maintenance man. According to Giuffre, Maxwell offered her a job on the spot as a masseuse for Epstein after seeing that she was reading a book about massage, telling her that she did not need to have any experience. She said that when she was brought to Epstein's Palm Beach home, she found him lying naked on a table. Maxwell, she claimed, instructed her on how to massage him. 'They seemed like nice people,' she later testified, 'so I trusted them.' But over the next two years or so, Giuffre claimed that she was forced by Epstein and Maxwell to have sex with a series of famous men, including Prince Andrew, a member of the British royal family. The prince has denied the accusations and declined to help federal prosecutors in their investigation of Epstein. Giuffre, who died by suicide in April, always maintained that she was trafficked to the prince and other men, once telling the BBC that she had been 'passed around like a platter of fruit' to Epstein's powerful associates. Some women who were in Epstein's orbit have said they encountered Trump during this period. One woman, Maria Farmer, who has said she was victimized by Epstein and Maxwell, described an encounter with Trump in 1995 at an office that Epstein once kept in New York City. An art student who had moved to New York City to pursue a career as a painter, Farmer recalled in a 2019 interview that when she was introduced to Trump, he eyed her, prompting Epstein to warn him, 'She's not for you.' Farmer's mother, Janice Swain, said her daughter had described the interaction with Trump around the time it occurred. Stacey Williams, a former Sports Illustrated swimsuit model, has said she was groped by Trump when she was introduced to him by Epstein, whom she was dating at the time. It was 1993, she said, and she was on a walk with Epstein on Fifth Avenue in Manhattan when he suggested that they pop into Trump Tower to say hello to Trump. Williams thought nothing of it at the time because, as she later put it, 'Jeffrey talked about Trump all the time.' After Trump greeted them in a waiting area outside his office, Williams said, he pulled her toward him, touching her breasts, waist and buttocks as if he was 'an octopus.' She said she later wondered whether she had been part of a challenge or wager between the two men. 'I definitely felt like I was a piece of meat delivered to that office as some sort of game,' she recalled to the Times last year. At the time, Trump's presidential campaign denied that the episode had occurred, calling the allegations 'unequivocally false' and politically motivated. In an interview Friday, Williams said she was upset to hear Trump referring to some of the Epstein story as a 'hoax' and 'boring' news. 'I mean, it's absurd,' she said of his speaking dismissively of the case. Parting Ways Eventually, in late 2004, Trump and Epstein ended up squaring off — this time, over a piece of real estate. It was the Maison de l'Amitié, a French Regency-style manse that sat along the ocean in Palm Beach. The two hypercompetitive men each had their lawyers bid on the property. Ultimately, Trump came out ahead, purchasing it for $41.35 million. There is little public record of the two men interacting after that. Trump later told associates he had another reason for breaking from Epstein around that time: His longtime friend, he has said, acted inappropriately to the daughter of a member of Mar-a-Lago, and Trump felt compelled to bar him from the club. Brad Edwards, a lawyer who has represented many of Epstein's victims, said Trump told him a similar story in 2009. Not long after the standoff over the beachfront mansion, the Palm Beach police received a tip that young women had been seen going in and out of Epstein's home. Four months later, there was a more substantial complaint from a woman who claimed that her 14-year-old stepdaughter had been paid $300 by Epstein to give him a massage while she was undressed. That led to a sprawling undercover investigation that identified at least a dozen potential victims. Epstein hired a team of top lawyers to defend him — including Alan Dershowitz, a Harvard law professor who would later represent Trump, and Ken Starr, the former independent counsel who investigated President Bill Clinton's affair with Monica Lewinsky. The two men helped negotiate a lenient plea deal with R. Alexander Acosta, who was then the U.S. attorney for the Southern District of Florida. Under the deal, Epstein pleaded guilty in 2008 to state charges of soliciting prostitution from a minor. In exchange, he was granted immunity from federal charges, as were all of his potential co-conspirators. He also had to register as a sex offender. In the end, Epstein wound up serving almost 13 months in jail before he was released. For his part, Trump largely steered clear of the controversy. But in February 2015, as he was gearing up for what would end up being a hard-fought campaign against Hillary Clinton, he sought to connect Epstein to her husband, the former president. Bill Clinton has 'got a lot of problems coming up, in my opinion, with the famous island with Jeffrey Epstein,' Trump told Fox News host Sean Hannity during an appearance at the Conservative Political Action Conference, referring to Epstein's private island where he resided and was suspected of trafficking underage girls. 'A lot of problems.' Clinton has denied visiting the island or having any knowledge of Epstein's criminal behavior, and has said he wishes he had never met him. 'I Wasn't a Fan' In July 2019, Epstein was arrested again. Prosecutors from the public corruption unit of the U.S. attorney's office in Manhattan charged him with sex trafficking and a conspiracy to traffic minors for sex. Trump, then in his third year in the White House, immediately sought to distance himself from his old friend. 'I knew him like everybody in Palm Beach knew him,' Trump told reporters after the charges were revealed. 'I mean, people in Palm Beach knew him. He was a fixture in Palm Beach. I had a falling out with him a long time ago. I don't think I've spoken to him in 15 years. I wasn't a fan.' The new charges brought renewed scrutiny to the original plea deal. Days after Epstein's arrest, Acosta, who had become Trump's labor secretary, announced he would resign amid criticism of his handling of the case. Speaking to reporters about Acosta's decision, Trump reiterated that he had broken off his ties with Epstein 'many, many years ago.' He added: 'It shows you one thing: that I have good taste.' Asked if he had any suspicions that Epstein was molesting young women, Trump replied, 'No, I had no idea.' The next month, after Epstein was found dead in his jail cell in Manhattan in what was later ruled a suicide, Trump weighed in again, reviving what was by then a years-old effort from his first campaign. He shared a social media post that tried to link the death to Bill Clinton. Days later, when pressed about his unfounded claims of Clinton's involvement, Trump did not let up, calling for a full investigation, even though he offered no facts to support his allegations. 'Epstein had an island that was not a good place, as I understand it,' he said. 'And I was never there. So you have to ask: Did Bill Clinton go to the island?' When Trump was asked about the arrest of Maxwell in the summer of 2020 on charges that included the enticement and trafficking of children, his answer left some of his own allies confused. 'I wish her well, whatever it is,' Trump said. In recent weeks, right-wing influencers and Trump's rank-and-file supporters expressed outrage over his administration's conclusion that there were no revelations to share about the case — not least because some of the president's top law enforcement officials, including Attorney General Pam Bondi and FBI Director Kash Patel, had promised to reveal more information about Epstein's crimes. Trump sought to quiet the demands, calling the Epstein scandal a 'hoax' made up by his Democratic adversaries. He also described it as a subject unworthy of further scrutiny. 'Are you still talking about Jeffrey Epstein?' Trump asked reporters with exasperation at a Cabinet meeting July 8. 'This guy's been talked about for years.'
News18
7 minutes ago
- News18
Air India Crash Investigation Aviation Minister Ram Mohan Naidu Slams Western Media
Air India Crash Investigation | Aviation Minister Ram Mohan Naidu Slams Western Media | News18 Last Updated:July 20, 2025, 16:22 IST India Videos Civil Aviation Minister Rammohan Naidu urges caution over speculation regarding the Air India crash in Ahmedabad, emphasizing the need to await the final report from the AAIB. Meanwhile, MNS escalates the language row in Maharashtra with provocative posters demanding Marathi proficiency. n18oc_india News18 Mobile App -
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First Post
7 minutes ago
- First Post
RIC redux: How India should navigate old groupings in a new world order
Growing interest in RIC among Indians is not about rejecting the US or embracing China—it's about building leverage through diversified partnerships, given today's fragmented global order further disrupted by Trump-era unpredictability read more In recent times, there has been a noticeable resurgence of interest among Indians in the Russia-India-China (RIC) grouping. This renewed attention stems in large part from a growing sense of unease—if not disillusionment—with the United States, particularly during the Trump presidency, where abrupt policy shifts and erratic rhetoric left New Delhi confused, concerned, and confounded. Once regarded as a staunch ally of New Delhi, Donald Trump's sudden, unpredictable tilt toward Islamabad—his public praise for Pakistan's military and even his offer to mediate on Kashmir, a diplomatic red line for India—was seen as either dangerously naïve or strategically duplicitous. For a country that had embraced Trump as a potential ally and viewed the US as a strategic partner in countering growing Chinese hegemony, this U-turn was jarring. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This perceived betrayal has triggered growing introspection within New Delhi's strategic circles. Has India placed too many eggs in the American basket? Is the time ripe for recalibrating and revisiting older platforms like RIC—not out of ideological affinity, but as a pragmatic counterbalance in a turbulent world? RIC: Rhetoric vs Reality The RIC grouping, first conceptualised in the 1990s, was designed as a forum for three major Eurasian powers to coordinate on global and regional affairs. Though often overshadowed by broader groupings such as Brics and the SCO, RIC still offers potential as a platform for strategic dialogue—especially as global power dynamics shift toward multipolarity. Russia remains a steadfast partner for India, despite its increasing dependence on China in the wake of Western sanctions over the ongoing Ukraine war. The Indo-Russian partnership has stood the test of time, rooted in mutual trust and decades of cooperation. China, by contrast, presents a complex duality: it is both a vital economic partner and a strategic adversary. Border tensions—including the standoffs in Doklam and Galwan—and broader concerns about China's activities in the Indian Ocean and South Asia underscore the trust deficit. China's growing alliance with Pakistan, vividly manifested during Operation Sindoor, further deepens India's apprehensions. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD While RIC presents an opportunity to engage China in structured dialogue, India must approach such forums with realism. New Delhi cannot afford to fall for the 'Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai' narrative—even when American perfidy becomes too obvious to ignore. Playing Both Sides, Committing to None Given today's fragmented global order—further disrupted by Trump-era unpredictability—India must resist aligning fully with any single bloc. This isn't about returning to Nehruvian non-alignment, but about pursuing interest-based alignment rooted in realism. India must engage all major powers—but on its own terms. From the West, India can leverage defence technology, economic investment, and support on global platforms. And from Russia and China, it can secure energy cooperation, regional stability dialogues, and support for a multipolar global order. This two-track diplomacy should not be viewed as indecision but as pragmatic statecraft. In this scheme of things, no one is a pariah. What matters is India's supreme national interest—a fact that the Ministry of External Affairs reminded Nato's secretary-general of this week when he threatened New Delhi with 'secondary sanctions' over its ties with Moscow. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The goal is not to choose sides but to make choices that serve India's long-term interests and aspirations. Significance of Strategic Autonomy Since Independence, strategic autonomy has been the cornerstone of India's foreign policy. Since 2014, this policy has been reoriented from 'non-alignment' to 'all-alignment', with the country's strategic autonomy intact. Whether it is forging closer ties with the US, buying arms and oil from Russia, or even standing by Israel without abandoning the Palestinian cause—India has consistently asserted its right to act independently. That tradition must continue. Groupings like the Quad or RIC should be treated as platforms for engagement, not as binding alliances. India must adopt a model of issue-based alignment—collaborating where interests converge, disengaging where they don't. New Delhi's rising global profile brings both opportunities and challenges. India must recognise that while partnerships are helpful, its rise will largely depend on its own internal strength—economic resilience, military modernisation, and political stability. The truth is that neither Washington nor Beijing truly wants New Delhi to emerge as a rival power. Both offer engagement—but often attach strategic strings. Recognising this reality is essential. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In today's volatile global order, which is akin to a 3D chessboard of overlapping alliances and competing interests, India must therefore act like a fox rather than a hedgehog. The fox, as the old saying goes, knows many things, while the hedgehog knows one big thing. India cannot afford to get locked into any singular worldview or alliance structure. It must embrace complexity and prepare for multiple contingencies. In this scenario, India's best bet is to stay pragmatic and relentlessly focused on its own interests. The growing interest of Indians in RIC must be viewed through this lens. It is not about rejecting the US or embracing China—it's about building leverage through diversified partnerships. A Lonely but Glorious Rise This stand comes with a price. India often finds itself alone in a bloc-oriented world order. Both sides see it as suspect. Recently, following the Brics summit in Brazil, some geopolitical analysts went so far as to call India an outlier—or worse, a Trojan horse in the grouping. Conversely, the US-led West finds India's engagement with countries like Russia and Iran, as well as its presence in Brics and the SCO, problematic. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD What both sides don't realise is that it is the presence of a country like India that helps keep the volatility of the world in check—whether political or economic. It helps maintain some degree of balance in a bloc-based global order. India's journey toward great-power status may be lonely—but it can also be glorious, provided it is navigated with strategic wisdom and restraint. The world respects strength and consistency—not dependence or ideological rigidity. New Delhi must continue to walk its own path: open to all, beholden to none. In the global power game, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests. This, however, does not mean that India's foreign policy should become unethically Nixonian in nature. For India, a civilisational state steeped in dharmic consciousness, foreign policy must be more than transactional—dictated largely through the wider lens of dharma. It is this timeless principle that must guide India's foreign policy. And in this worldview, there's always space—and scope—for both Quad and RIC. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
