Chilli processing plant to come up in Abohar by Sept: Punjab agri minister
Being established by the Punjab Agri Export Corporation Ltd (PAGREXCO) over one acre of land, the plant will have an installed capacity of five tonnes per hour, the minister said. The area under chilli cultivation in the state has been increasing annually, with farmers being encouraged to grow high-yielding varieties suitable for processing, he said.
As of 2024, Punjab's chilli cultivation spanned 10,614 hectares, the highest recorded area in recent years, yielding 21,416 metric tonnes, the minister said.
Ferozepur district leads in chilli production, followed by Patiala, Malerkotla, Sangrur, Jalandhar, Tarn Taran, Amritsar, SBS Nagar and Hoshiarpur.
Ferozepur's average yield of approximately 19 metric tonnes (MT) per hectare showcases the region's efficient farming practices, Khuddian said.
PAGREXCO directly procures chillies from farmers and aggregators, leveraging a well-established marketing network, he added. The corporation is a major exporter of red chilli paste from Punjab, including to the Middle East and African countries.
Chilli cultivation has emerged as a vital component of Punjab's agricultural diversification, providing farmers with a lucrative alternative to traditional crops such as wheat and paddy, the minister said.
The state's favourable agro-climatic conditions have strategically positioned Punjab as a key player in chilli production and processing, capitalising on new opportunities in the agricultural sector, he added.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Deccan Herald
a day ago
- Deccan Herald
China's weapons of statecraft
China has become the world's fourth-largest arms exporter, commanding 5.8 per cent of global weapons sales between 2019 and 2023. While China slashed its own arms imports by 64 per cent over the past decade, it simultaneously expanded its weapons footprint to 44 countries across Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Apart from geographic expanse, the strategic footprint achieved as part of China's arms export strategy represents more than the mere logic of economics. Under Xi Jinping's military modernisation agenda, weapons sales are integral to statecraft to create dependencies, secure allies, and challenge Western influence in key strategic calculus behind the targeting of countries for arms sales and transfers coincides with the aspirations of making its military influence felt from the First Island Chain to the broader Indo-Pacific and beyond. China's strategic influence spans and dominates across the Indo-Pacific. As emphasised by President Xi, the move is aimed at constructing 'a common destiny of the Asia-Pacific'. .Between 2019-2023, 85 per cent of Chinese arms exports were concentrated in Asia. Pakistan, as an important all-weather ally, is a customer of China for 61-63 per cent of total exports. Bangladesh, Myanmar, and Thailand are secondary markets for small arms and ammunition. Bangladesh is currently the second-largest buyer of Chinese weapons in the region. China's strategic rationale lies in building a regional sphere of influence, especially when India is steadily emerging as a competitor in the African expansion is in the sub-Saharan region, with 9.8 per cent of the total arms imports. It is overtaking Russia as a top supplier with a special focus on countries noted for weak governance and resource wealth. The weapons sale also seems to be integrated with the Belt and Road Initiative projects and military training programmes. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), strategic penetration is limited in the Gulf states and Saudi Arabia, as there is competition between Chinese and Western players. China has also expanded its presence in Latin American countries such as Venezuela, Argentina, and Chinese arms sales model is based on three core factors. It prioritises generating profits as per foreign policy considerations, adopts a centralised, whole-of-government approach resulting in control over whom (not) to engage, and shows intent to reflect responsibility through adherence to the existing non-proliferation and arms treaty compliance, Chinese arms transfers have been found in violation due to their supplies through illegal networks reaching rebel groups such as the United Wa State Army (UWSA) in Myanmar, ULFA in Assam, Maoist rebels in Nepal, and jihadist groups in Bangladesh. Such illegal transfers challenge China's commitment to existing international arms and dual-use treaties. Beijing accepted the accession to the UN Arms Trade Treaty (UNATT) in 2020, prohibiting signatory states from selling conventional arms to countries with the potential for genocide, crimes against humanity, or war emerged as the fourth most significant arms supplier to Africa in 1996-2000, reaching the second spot by 2013-2017, capturing 17% of Africa's entire market by 2017, just below Russia. China is still a non-signatory to the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) and exploits it through selling UAVs, including to regions under conflict. Beijing has also utilised its UNSC influence and declined to vote on key resolutions, including UNSCR 1706 in 2006, related to human rights violations and the extension of the arms embargo in Sudan. .The quality China's expansive presence, there exist certain structural limitations to its arms business. Over-reliance on Pakistan and other smaller countries may risk market concentration. Beyond that, there is limited competition within China's defence industry. Western sanctions and diplomatic pressure on several countries restrict Chinese arms sales. Chinese defence systems also lack the technological finesse in comparison with top-tier Western relatively cheaper and increasing share of Chinese-origin military equipment was also reported to have problems, including technical malfunctioning, export of defective equipment, and sub-optimal performance. During Operation Sindoor, Chinese-origin air defence systems with the Pakistan military became subject to poor performance against the Indian military. The lack of accountability to perform maintenance and repair is another concern. Chinese weapons sales also face scrutiny over end-user certificates as Beijing's flexible export policies often bypass stringent verification processes, raising concerns about the weapons' diversion in hostile conflict these drawbacks, Chinese arms exports are an attractive option for some countries. China provides a flexible option leading to a win-win for countries under sanctions, political instability, and marked for poor human rights records. For China, the challenge lies in matching the qualitative parameters, including operational, training, and maintenance of sold defence items, with its statecraft-supporting arms export strategy..(Sameer is director, Centre for Security, Strategy, and Technology at the Observer Research Foundation; Ankit is an assistant professor at the Rashtriya Raksha University; Rahul is a research assistant with ORF)
Time of India
a day ago
- Time of India
WTO must protect African interests: CUTS International dialogue
The WTO is a critical multilateral rules-based forum to promote and protect the trade interests of all countries, especially the African low-income countries, in the world, and it must be revitalised at all costs, said Pradeep S. Mehta, Secretary General of CUTS International . CUTS convened a high-level informal dialogue with African Ambassadors to the World Trade Organization (WTO) at the Palais des Nations, Geneva on 9th July. Mehta, an NGO Adviser to the DG, WTO, chaired the meeting. Explore courses from Top Institutes in Select a Course Category Degree Leadership MBA Finance MCA Data Analytics Technology Public Policy Healthcare Product Management PGDM Data Science Project Management Data Science Design Thinking others Others healthcare CXO Artificial Intelligence Cybersecurity Digital Marketing Management Skills you'll gain: Data-Driven Decision-Making Strategic Leadership and Transformation Global Business Acumen Comprehensive Business Expertise Duration: 2 Years University of Western Australia UWA Global MBA Starts on Jun 28, 2024 Get Details The closed-door session focused on reforms to the multilateral trading system, the operationalization of the African Continental Free Trade Area ( AfCFTA ), Africa's strategic role within the G20, and preparations for the 14th WTO Ministerial Conference (MC14) to be hosted in Cameroon in March, 2026. The deliberations captured the continent's resolve to navigate a complex geopolitical environment and assert its developmental priorities on the world stage. Multilateral Trading System in a Fractured World A recurrent theme was the increasing fragility of the multilateral trading order. Participants expressed deep concern over the rising trend of economic unilateralism, particularly the imposition of arbitrary tariffs by dominant global actors. This threatens to further fragment global trade by pushing countries—especially vulnerable African states—into precarious bilateral deals that are often skewed against their interests. The erosion of predictability and stability in the WTO system, largely due to the disengagement of some major economies, was viewed as a direct threat to investment flows and long-term development planning. Participants were unequivocal in their call for a revitalized, rules-based multilateral system—one that does not hinge on the whims of any single power. Yet, there was caution against retaliation. The disengagement of any single country should not dictate the future of the trading system. Instead, African countries were urged to champion reforms that democratize decision-making and prioritize inclusivity and development. AfCFTA: From Aspiration to Implementation The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) featured prominently throughout the session. Several interventions emphasized that the agreement must move beyond high-level policy to tangible, ground-level impact—particularly for small businesses, women, and youth. There was strong consensus that the private sector must be placed at the heart of AfCFTA's implementation strategy. Ongoing initiatives, including national training workshops, online capacity-building platforms, and the establishment of a private sector facilitation framework, were cited as promising steps. The critical challenge now is ensuring that these tools translate into real trade opportunities. The connectivity deficits—both digital and physical—were seen as major bottlenecks that require urgent investment and regulatory coordination. Moreover, participants highlighted that AfCFTA must cohere with regional economic community frameworks to avoid duplication and disintegration. Investment Facilitation and Economic Sovereignty There was unanimous agreement that Africa's development hinges on attracting sustainable and strategic investment. The WTO's Investment Facilitation for Development (IFD) Agreement was viewed by many as a pragmatic entry point—though concerns about legal integration and sovereign space were noted. It was emphasized that investment and services policies must be approached as two sides of the same coin. With two-thirds of global FDI flowing into services, African governments were encouraged to align regulatory environments accordingly, especially in sectors like telecommunications, logistics, and agri-processing. The call to attract investment reflected an urgent development imperative amid declining aid and mounting public finance constraints. A Critical Opportunity for Africa The upcoming MC14, to be hosted in Cameroon, was framed as a historic moment for the continent. With agriculture, food security, and WTO reform on the agenda, African countries must arrive at the conference with a unified, actionable agenda. Particular emphasis was placed on securing outcomes on public stockholding, special safeguard mechanisms, and industrial policy flexibility. Participants urged that MC14 must not only acknowledge Africa's unique developmental needs but also advance them through concrete institutional reforms—especially around the Dispute Settlement Mechanism and Special & Differential Treatment. Leveraging the G20: From Presence to Influence While the African Union's recent admission to the G20 was applauded, it was made clear that mere presence does not guarantee influence. Effective participation requires preparation, coordination, and an unwavering commitment to championing the continent's priorities—particularly in digital trade, infrastructure, and MSME development. Some voices were sceptical of the G20's utility, citing its historical disconnect from WTO deliberations. Others, however, emphasized the opportunity for Africa to engage proactively—especially with the AU now at the table. The upcoming G20 summits hosted by South Africa and potentially the US were viewed as tests of whether Africa can shape the global trade narrative rather than merely respond to it. The meeting closed with a stark yet empowering message: Africa must stop waiting for others to define the system. The continent's strength lies in forging coalitions, acting decisively, and learning by doing. The rules-based system must be preserved—not in spite of the challenges, but because of them. Indeed, the most thought-provoking insight may have been the call to stop treating the United States' disinterest as a veto on multilateral progress. The session was attended, among others, by Jeremiah Mangewa (South Africa), Amb. Brian Glover (Mauritius), Hamid Mamdouh (Senior Counsel), Rajesh Aggarwal (Visiting Professor, ICRIER), Amb. Urujeni Bakuramutsa (Rwanda), Lily Sommers (ITC), Ms. Mpho Michelle Mogobe (Botswana), M. Thomas Ndongo (Cameroon), Mr. Pradeep S. Mehta (Secretary General, CUTS International), Suddha Chakravartti (Director, CUTS International Geneva), Peter Maundu (Research Associate of CUTS), and Mritunjai Kapila (Ontern).
Time of India
a day ago
- Time of India
Is Global South ready to lead—Or just done being ignored?
'We were never voiceless. You just refused to listen.' This silent refrain echoes from Accra to Jakarta, from the favelas of Rio to the corridors of Delhi. The world's power architecture, once held firmly by the hands of the Global North, now quivers as tectonic shifts emerge. But as the Global South finds its voice amplified on the world stage—through economic leverage, demographic might, and climate urgency—the question is no longer if it can lead, but whether it wants to. Has the Global South arrived at the helm—or is it simply done being dismissed? The great recalibration: Why 2025 feels like a pivot year In 2025, the term Global South is no longer code for 'underdeveloped.' It's shorthand for undervalued—and now ascendant. According to the World Bank's Global Economic Prospects Report (June 2025): Emerging markets and developing economies (EMDEs) are projected to grow at 4.5% this year—nearly twice the rate of advanced economies (2.3%). India alone will contribute 16.2% to global growth in 2025, surpassing the EU bloc (14.9%) for the first time. ASEAN economies together are now the fourth-largest economic bloc, overtaking Japan. South-South trade now accounts for approximately 33% of total global trade, though trade in goods has recently contracted by 7% to $5.7 trillion, reflecting volatility in global supply networks (UNCTAD, 2025). Yet, this moment isn't defined solely by statistics. It's powered by assertion—and a mounting refusal to be seen as a footnote in someone else's economic story. Redrawing the world map—One rebuff at a time This isn't noise—it's navigation. The Global South is no longer asking to be seen; it's redesigning the frame. With India at the helm, the 2024 expansion of BRICS to include Egypt, Iran, Ethiopia, and the UAE was less about membership and more about momentum. BRICS+ now speaks for 46% of the global population and commands 32% of global GDP, fundamentally tilting the scales of influence. At COP30 in Brasília (March 2025), assertive Indian diplomacy, backed by African and Latin American allies, blocked diluted climate pledges from the Global North and clinched a $50 billion binding Loss and Damage Fund—not positioned as aid, but as owed accountability. Meanwhile, Africa's ambitions are no longer theoretical. With its digital economy expanding at 11% annually, the continent is rewriting its future. Kibera Tech City in Nairobi, once overlooked, has emerged as a ground-up AI innovation zone rooted in local resilience. Across the Indian Ocean, Bengaluru and Hyderabad are quietly architecting the Global South's digital DNA—from semiconductors to sovereign AI stacks—indigenously developed and locally governed systems—turning India into a strategic innovation corridor between East and West. These aren't just responses—they are strategic assertions of autonomy, reshaping global power through precision, not protest. Leading, but differently: The southern style of stewardship Leadership, as defined by the West, has long revolved around dominance. But the Global South isn't interested in mimicking. It's innovating. India's Vaccine Diplomacy 2.0 now includes mRNA tech transfer agreements with 22 low-income countries—driven by strategic solidarity. Indonesia and Brazil, once labelled resource exporters, are spearheading a tropical green alliance, commanding 78% of global rubber and 52% of soy production, asserting commodity sovereignty. The UN Global Digital Compact, slated for signing in late 2025, saw Chile and Ghana co-authoring the data sovereignty clause—insisting on algorithmic fairness for AI tools deployed in the Global South. This is not the South asking for a seat at the table. It is crafting its own table, one that trades power for purpose. Growth with fragility But beneath this renaissance lie unresolved realities that must be reckoned with: Debt stress at historic levels Global public debt has now crossed $100 trillion, with developing countries owing over $31 trillion. External public debt service for Global South nations reached $487 billion in 2023, while net interest payments globally rose to $921 billion in 2024. More than 3.4 billion people now live in countries spending more on interest than on health or education. The world's poorest 75 nations owe $22 billion to China in 2025 alone, under the weight of Belt and Road-related repayments. In Africa, 57% of the population lives in countries where debt servicing exceeds public investment in core social services. This is not just economic distress—it is structural inequity. The very systems through which the South is expected to lead are shackling it. Trade and finance imbalances While global trade expanded by $300 billion in the first half of 2025, developing economies saw a 2% decline in imports, indicating uneven recovery. Africa's intra-regional trade, however, surged by 16%, showing regional resilience amid global fragmentation. Global FDI dropped by 11% in 2024, yet Africa posted record highs, though largely driven by extractives and infrastructure—a volatile foundation. Official net financial flows to developing economies turned negative, as debt repayments outpaced aid and investment. This dual reality—of rising ambition and restricted access to capital—defines the paradox of the Global South's moment. From dependency to interdependence: A Southern remix of global power The future isn't North-led. It's network-led. A Southern-led multilateralism is emerging—messier, more localised, but grounded in dignity and innovation. Latin American feminist diplomacy is reshaping peace narratives and environmental treaties. Bangladesh's solar microgrid exports are decentralising power in Sub-Saharan Africa. India's digital public infrastructure, including Aadhaar and UPI-like models, is now being adapted in Southeast Asia and Africa, establishing a tech stack rooted in inclusion. This isn't the Global South catching up. It's changing the race entirely. From margins to mandate To ask if the Global South is ready to lead is to cling to a dated worldview—one where leadership is something bestowed from above. But in 2025, leadership is something built from below. Yes, the Global South still battles internal contradictions, fiscal pressures, and geopolitical risks. But it no longer waits for permission. It redefines participation, reimagines prosperity, and reclaims its narrative. It isn't just knocking at the door. It is reconstructing the house. And if the old world refuses to listen, the Global South will speak louder—through trade, through treaties, through technology—and in a language it never needed permission to use. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
