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Tariff war must end quickly, German finance minister tells G7 partners

Tariff war must end quickly, German finance minister tells G7 partners

DURBAN: German Finance Minister Lars Klingbeil made clear in a meeting with his counterparts from the Group of Seven major economies on Friday that the global trade conflict must be ended quickly, he told reporters.
'But I also want to say very clearly: There will be no deal at any price, there should be no victory at any price,' Klingbeil said in Durban, South Africa, on the sidelines of the G20 finance chiefs meetings, where G7 ministers also met separately.
Klingbeil called for a fair deal between the U.S. and Europe on tariffs.
The 30% tariff on imports from European Union threatened by U.S. President Donald Trump would, if implemented, be a game-changer for Europe and a heavy blow for Germany with its export-oriented economy.
Bundesbank President Joachim Nagel also warned of the 'great global damage' that the uncertainty from tariffs is causing.
'My appeal to the U.S. side is not to play games with the situation, because in the end, the prosperity of us all is at stake here,' Nagel said at the press event with Klingbeil.
EU chief delays retaliation for US tariffs in search of deal
The head of Germany's Bundesbank had warned on Thursday in an interview with Reuters that the tariff plans risk wiping out even a modest recovery in Europe's largest economy in the coming years.
U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent did not attend the two-day G20 meeting in person, his second absence from a G20 event in South Africa this year, though he did join the G7 meeting online on Friday morning, according to Klingbeil.
'We were once again very much in agreement that we want to overcome existing problems, that in the end there should be a solution,' Klingbeil said, referring to his talks with ministers from the G7 nations.
However, the EU is ready and willing to take determined countermeasures if a negotiated solution with the U.S. was not found, Klingbeil said. 'In the end, for me it is about protecting jobs and companies in Europe.'
Brussels is discussing countermeasures if a deal is not reached by August 1, including the so-called anti-coercion instrument, which allows the bloc to retaliate against countries that put pressure on EU members to change economic policies.
Asked about this instrument in an interview with Reuters on Thursday, Klingbeil said talks are now focusing on finding a joint solution with Washington, but if it doesn't work out, the EU will act 'united and decisively.'
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The use of French-supplied Rafales and missile systems against Pakistani targets, some of which struck civilian zones, also threw a wrench into the European Union's arms export standards, which ostensibly forbid such end-use. In Brussels and Paris, the silence was telling. India's post-operation messaging relied heavily on volume and repetition rather than verifiability, in keeping with its now-familiar strategy of managing perception rather than consequence. Critics argue that Operation Sindoor wasn't a turning point in regional security dynamics but rather a continuation of a pattern – military engagement followed by information warfare, where ambiguity is weaponised and accountability conveniently disappears. 'The fact that the Indian government had to offer so many versions of what it called a victory over Pakistan suggests there was no real victory to begin with—if any at all,' quipped Wizarat, a keen observer of regional affairs. 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The former Wilson Center fellow's view rings true in light of Prime Minister Modi's actions. Shortly after the operation — and despite the humiliation of Indian fighter jets smouldering in the wake of Operation Sindoor — Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as The Wire reported, positioned himself squarely at the heart of a triumph he had all but choreographed. His public addresses became rituals of symbolism, thick with invocations of sindoor, however, conspicuously devoid of any reference to the militants behind the Pahalgam attack. Then, on 12 May — a full forty-eight hours after US President Donald Trump brokered a ceasefire between India and Pakistan — Modi launched into an unrelenting campaign blitz -- nine rallies in eight days across six states, as if electoral momentum could be spun from the ashes of a fractured narrative. Wizarat described the entire operation as meticulously timed for electoral gain. 'It has become almost predictable,' she noted, for India's political leadership to invoke the threat of Pakistan — or the spectre of Muslims — in the run-up to elections, as a way to consolidate support among its Hindu base. The China conundrum They say one lie begets another — a spiral of invention to conceal what never truly was. India now finds itself tangled in precisely such a mess. Despite New Delhi's persistent evasions over the fate of its downed fighter jets during the skirmish, new reports have emerged confirming what the government has long tried to bury -- that its prized aircraft were indeed shot down — not by a technologically superior Western force, but by Chinese-made weapons in Pakistani hands. Armed with that uncomfortable truth, Indian officials have begun aiming their rhetorical fire at Beijing, painting China as the main villain in the conflict. However, experts argue that the accusation stretches the boundaries of credibility. 'The sale of arms — however consequential — does not make China a combatant, any more than France or Russia were deemed parties to the conflict for supplying India with the very weapons it used against Pakistan,' said Wizarat. India, Wizarat argued, must move past its obsession with outpacing China in the regional — or even broader global — power race. 'If anything, the recent escalation between Pakistan and India has shattered the myth of Western superiority in the arms race,' she concluded. According to Akbar, India's attempt to reframe the narrative was less about facts on the ground and more about courting Western sympathy — achieved by invoking alleged Chinese involvement in the tit-for-tat exchanges with Pakistan. The insult that bleeds If the downing of the Rafales was an insult, the injury hasn't let up — not because it must, but because India's persistent denial and deflection keep inviting it. 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Indian military sources have since quietly conceded losses, though they suggest operational errors, not technological failure, may be to blame. The implications are far-reaching. According to defence experts, this was the first time advanced Chinese weapons — Pakistan's J-10 fighters and PL-15 missiles — were deployed against Western and Russian systems. Early assessments, The Economist reported, pointed to the superiority of Chinese systems — and possible real-time intelligence sharing from Beijing. But the most damning revelation may have come from within -- a leaked recording of India's defence attaché in Jakarta, Captain Shiv Kumar, aired in June. In it, he admits India's initial losses were due to political constraints that barred the air force from targeting Pakistani military installations. Only after suffering setbacks, he said, were the rules of engagement expanded. 'The fact that India continues to deflect questions about gains and losses shows there were real issues not only during the operation, but also in its aftermath — where any victorious side would have flaunted its trophies right away. India, however, has been on the back foot ever since,' said Wizarat. 'Instead of adding China to the equation, India must fix its own equation,' she concluded.

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