No one knows whether Trump's $50B for rural health will be enough
Congress set aside $50 billion for rural hospitals and medical providers to allay fears over the billions more in historic cuts to federal health care spending that President Donald Trump signed into law on Independence Day.
But is that bandage big enough to save struggling rural hospitals?
'I have more questions than I have answers,' said Alan Morgan, CEO of the National Rural Health Association, a nonprofit policy group. 'No one has those answers yet.'
Morgan noted that the new money for rural health, to be spent over five years, is far less than the $155 billion in rural Medicaid spending cuts over 10 years, as estimated by KFF, a nonprofit health policy and research group.
Experts, hospital leaders and lawmakers on both sides of the aisle fear that Trump's signature legislation will particularly gut rural hospitals and clinics, which see an outsize share of patients who are insured through Medicaid, the federal-state public health insurance for people with low incomes. The new law slashes more than $1 trillion from Medicaid over the next 10 years to help pay for tax cuts that disproportionately benefit the wealthy.
States scramble to shield hospitals from GOP Medicaid cuts
The $50 billion addition was an effort by Republican leaders in Congress to win the votes of colleagues within their party who initially balked at supporting such steep cuts to Medicaid and other health services.
In the U.S. Senate, the rural program helped secure the vote of Alaska moderate Republican Sen. Lisa Murkowski, who expressed concern about the law's impact on health care in her state. About 1 in 3 Alaskans are insured through Medicaid.
Jared Kosin, the president and CEO of the Alaska Hospital & Healthcare Association, said he's deeply frustrated with the new law's gutting of Medicaid funding, which he thinks will wreak lasting damage on Alaskans. And Republicans sidestepped potential solutions by just throwing money into a program, he said.
'It's frustrating in the public realm when decisions like this are made fast and, frankly, carelessly,' he said.
'The consequences are going to fall on us, not them.'
More than half of the law's cuts to funding in rural areas are concentrated in 12 states with large rural populations that expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act to cover more people, according to KFF: Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania and Virginia.
Some GOP lawmakers in Congress have heralded the $50 billion rural program as a health care victory. But it's still unclear which hospitals, clinics and other providers would receive money and how much.
The Rural Health Transformation Program will dole out $10 billion annually from fiscal years 2026 through 2030.
States must apply for their funding by the end of this year, submitting a detailed plan on how it would be used.
The law outlines some ways that states can use the money, according to an analysis of the legislation from the Bipartisan Policy Center:
Making payments to rural hospitals to help them maintain essential services such as emergency room care or labor and delivery.
Recruiting and training rural doctors, nurses and other health workers.
Bolstering emergency medical services such as ambulances and EMTs.
Using new technologies, including telehealth.
Providing opioid use disorder treatment and mental health services.
Improving preventive care and chronic disease management.
Half of the $10 billion each year will be distributed evenly across states that have applied for it. The other half can be distributed by the administrator of the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services — currently Dr. Mehmet Oz — at his discretion, based on a state's rural population and rural health facilities.
Although the program doesn't replace the amount states are likely to lose, Morgan said it's still an opportunity to rethink how rural health care is funded. He'd like to see states given flexibility in how they're able to use the funds, and he hopes they focus on keeping rural communities healthy through preventive care while still helping hospitals keep their doors open.
'If done correctly, it could really change the future course for rural America,' Morgan said. 'That is such a tough ask, though.'
Kentucky could take the biggest hit from the new law's reduction in rural Medicaid funding, losing an estimated $12 billion over 10 years, according to a KFF analysis.
Tracking Medicaid patients' work status may prove difficult for states
The state's Medicaid department is still waiting for additional federal guidance to understand how the state's program will be affected, Kendra Steele, spokesperson with the Kentucky Cabinet for Health and Family Services, told Stateline in a statement.
'Over 1.4 million Kentuckians rely on Medicaid — including half of all children in our state, seniors and more vulnerable populations — and the passage of legislation on the federal level will have serious impacts for those individuals, rural health care and hospitals and local economies,' she wrote.
Even with the new program, states across the country will have to reevaluate their budgets in light of the cuts, said Hemi Tewarson, executive director at the National Academy for State Health Policy, a nonpartisan group that supports states in developing health care policies.
'Every region is slightly different and there's not a one-size-fits-all approach,' she said. 'Hospital ownership varies [as well as] the types of services that are critical for the community where they're located. They have to think about new ways to provide those services in a context with fewer resources.'
About 44% of rural hospitals are operating in the red, according to a KFF analysis of Rand Hospital Data, a higher share than the 35% of hospitals in urban areas.
Prior to the bill's passage, Oz attempted to reassure U.S. House Republicans that their districts could get money from the program even if they weren't specifically rural, Politico reported earlier this month.
We're all rural at heart when it comes to money.
– Alan Morgan, CEO of the National Rural Health Association
Pennsylvania Republican U.S. Rep. Rob Bresnahan said money would begin flowing to his district as early as the beginning of next year, telling the Wilkes-Barre Times Leader earlier this month that he met with Trump, Oz and others to secure pledges that hospitals in his district could access the fund. He represents the northeastern corner of Pennsylvania, which includes suburban and rural areas, as well as the cities of Scranton and Wilkes-Barre.
Though the legislation includes guidelines on which facilities or areas qualify as 'rural,' Morgan, of the National Rural Health Association, expects a mad dash from lawmakers and providers to claim rural status in order to get a piece of the funding.
'That's going to be a huge issue — defining who's rural,' Morgan said. 'We're all rural at heart when it comes to money.'
Stateline reporter Anna Claire Vollers can be reached at avollers@stateline.org.
SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Solve the daily Crossword
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
8 minutes ago
- Yahoo
'There's never been a president that high!' the speaker of the House said.
House Speaker Mike Johnson dropped some jaws to the floor by suggesting Donald Trump is currently netting ratings that'd make a North Korean despot blush. 'The president is the most maligned and attacked political figure in the history of American politics,' he told CNBC. 'But he's also the most resilient. You see at the same time, his approval ratings are skyrocketing.' 'CNN had a story, I think a day or two ago, he was at 90 percent approval rating,' Johnson added. 'There's never been a president that high!'


WIRED
10 minutes ago
- WIRED
At Least 750 US Hospitals Faced Disruptions During Last Year's CrowdStrike Outage, Study Finds
Jul 19, 2025 11:54 AM Of those, more than 200 appear to have had outages of services related to patient care following CrowdStrike's disastrous crash, researchers have revealed. Photograph:When, one year ago today, a buggy update to software sold by the cybersecurity firm CrowdStrike took down millions of computers around the world and sent them into a death spiral of repeated reboots, the global cost of all those crashed machines was equivalent to one of the worst cyberattacks in history. Some of the various estimates of the total damage worldwide have stretched well into the billions of dollars. Now a new study by a team of medical cybersecurity researchers has taken the first steps toward quantifying the cost of CrowdStrike's disaster not in dollars, but in potential harm to hospitals and their patients across the US. It reveals evidence that hundreds of those hospitals' services were disrupted during the outage, and raises concerns about potentially grave effects to patients' health and well-being. Researchers from the University of California San Diego today marked the one-year anniversary of CrowdStrike's catastrophe by releasing a paper in JAMA Network Open, a publication of the Journal of the American Medical Association Network, that attempts for the first time to create a rough estimate of the number of hospitals whose networks were affected by that IT meltdown on July 19, 2024, as well as which services on those networks appeared to have been disrupted. A chart showing a massive spike in detected medical service outages on the day of CrowdStrike's crashes. Courtesy of UCSD and JAMA Network Open By scanning internet-exposed parts of hospital networks before, during, and after the crisis, they detected that at minimum 759 hospitals in the US appear to have experienced network disruption of some kind on that day. They found that more than 200 of those hospitals seemed to have been hit specifically with outages that directly affected patients, from inaccessible health records and test scans to fetal monitoring systems that went offline. Of the 2,232 hospital networks they were able to scan, the researchers detected that fully 34 percent of them appear to have suffered from some type of disruption. All of that indicates the CrowdStrike outage could have been a 'significant public health issue,' argues Christian Dameff, a UCSD emergency medicine doctor and cybersecurity researcher, and one of the paper's authors. 'If we had had this paper's data a year ago when this happened," he adds, 'I think we would have been much more concerned about how much impact it really had on US health care.' CrowdStrike, in a statement to WIRED, strongly criticized the UCSD study and JAMA's decision to publish it, calling the paper 'junk science.' They note that the researchers didn't verify that the disrupted networks ran Windows or CrowdStrike software, and point out that Microsoft's cloud service Azure experienced a major outage on the same day, which may have been responsible for some of the hospital network disruptions. 'Drawing conclusions about downtime and patient impact without verifying the findings with any of the hospitals mentioned is completely irresponsible and scientifically indefensible,' the statement reads. 'While we reject the methodology and conclusions of this report, we recognize the impact the incident had a year ago,' the statement adds. 'As we've said from the start, we sincerely apologize to our customers and those affected and continue to focus on strengthening the resilience of our platform and the industry.' In response to CrowdStrike's criticisms, the UCSD researchers say they stand by their findings. The Azure outage that CrowdStrike noted, they point out, began the previous night and affected mostly the central US, while the outages they measured began at roughly midnight US east coast time on July 19—about the time when CrowdStrike's faulty update began crashing computers—and affected the entire country. (Microsoft did not immediately respond to a request for comment.) 'We are unaware of any other hypothesis that would explain such simultaneous geographically-distributed service outages inside hospital networks such as we see here' other than CrowdStrike's crash, writes UCSD computer science professor Stefan Savage, one of the paper's co-authors, in an email to WIRED. (JAMA declined to comment in response to CrowdStrike's criticisms.) In fact, the researchers describe their count of detected hospital disruptions as only a minimum estimate, not a measure of the real blast radius of CrowdStrike's crashes. That's in part because the researchers were only able to scan roughly a third of America's 6,000-plus hospitals, which would suggest that the true number of medical facilities affected may have been several times higher. The UCSD researchers' findings stemmed from a larger internet-scanning project they call Ransomwhere?, funded by the Advance Research Projects Agency for Health and launched in early 2024 with the intention of detecting hospitals' ransomware outages. As a result of that project, they were already probing US hospitals using the scanning tools ZMap and Censys when CrowdStrike's July 2024 calamity struck. For the 759 hospitals in which the researchers detected that a service was knocked offline on July 19, their scans also allowed them to analyze which specific services appeared to be down, using publicly available tools like Censys and the Lantern Project to identify different medical services, as well as manually checking some web-based services they could visit. They found that 202 hospitals experienced outages of services directly related to patients. Those services included staff portals used to view patient health records, fetal monitoring systems, tools for remote monitoring of patient care, secure document transfer systems that allow patients to be transferred to another hospital, 'pre-hospital' information systems like the tools that can share initial test results from an ambulance to an emergency room for patients requiring time-critical treatments, and the image storage and retrieval systems that are used to make scan results available to doctors and patients. 'If a patient was having a stroke and the radiologist needed to look at a scan image quickly, it would be much harder to get it from the CT scanner to the radiologist to read,' Dameff offers as one hypothetical example. The researchers also found that 212 hospitals had outages of 'operationally relevant' systems like staff scheduling platforms, bill payment systems, and tools for managing patient wait times. In another category of 'research relevant' services, the study found that 62 hospitals faced outages. The biggest fraction of outages in the researchers' findings was an 'other' category that included offline services that the researchers couldn't fully identify in their scans at 287 hospitals, suggesting that some of those, too, might have been uncounted patient-relevant services. 'Nothing in this paper says that someone's stroke got misdiagnosed or there was a delay in the care of someone getting life-saving antibiotics, for instance. But there might have been,' says Dameff. 'I think there's a lot of evidence of these types of disruptions. It would be hard to argue that people weren't impacted at a potentially pretty significant level.' The study's findings give a sprawling new sense of scope to anecdotal reports of how CrowdStrike's outage affected medical facilities that already surfaced over the last year. WIRED reported at the time that Baylor hospital network, a major nonprofit health care system, and Quest Diagnostics were both unable to process routine bloodwork. The Boston-area hospital system Mass General Brigham reportedly had to bring 45,000 of its PCs back online, each of which required a manual fix that took 15 to 20 minutes. In their study, researchers also tried to roughly measure the length of downtime of the hospital services affected by the CrowdStrike outage, and found that most recovered relatively quickly: About 58 percent of the hospital services were back online within six hours, and only 8 percent or so took more than 48 hours to recover. That's a far shorter disruption than the outages from actual cyberattacks that have hit hospitals, the researchers note: Mass-spreading malware attacks like NotPetya and WannaCry in 2017 as well as the Change Healthcare ransomware attack that struck the payment provider subsidiary of United Healthcare in early 2024 all shut down scores of hospitals across the US—or in the case of WannaCry, the United Kingdom—for days or weeks in some cases. But the effects of the CrowdStrike debacle nonetheless deserve to be compared to those intentionally inflicted digital disasters for hospitals, the researchers argue. 'The duration of the downtimes is different, but the breadth, the number of hospitals affected across the entire country, the scale, the potential intensity of the disruption is similar,' says Jeffrey Tully, a pediatrician, anesthesiologist, and cybersecurity researcher who coauthored the study. A map showing the duration of the apparent downtime of detected medical service outages in hospitals across the US. Courtesy of UCSD and JAMA Network Open A delay of hours, or even minutes, can increase mortality rates for heart attack and stroke patients, says Josh Corman, a cybersecurity researcher with a focus on medical cybersecurity at the Institute for Security and Technology and former CISA staffer who reviewed the UCSD study. That means that even a shorter-duration outage in patient related services across hundreds of hospitals could have concrete and seriously harmful—if hard to measure—consequences. Aside from drawing a first estimate of the possible toll on patients' health in this single incident, the UCSD team emphasizes that the real work of their study is to show that, with the right tools, it's possible to monitor and learn from these mass medical network outages. The result may be a better sense of how to prevent—or in the case of more intentional downtime from cyberattacks and ransomware—protect hospitals from experiencing them in the future.
Yahoo
27 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Buried in Trump's beautiful bill is a new $250 fee on travelers to the U.S. Estimates project it could cut the federal deficit by nearly $30 billion
A provision in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act states all visitors who need nonimmigrant visas to enter the U.S.—tourists, business travelers and international students, to name a few—must pay a 'visa integrity fee,' currently priced at $250. Travelers who comply with their visa conditions will be eligible for reimbursement. The provision is estimated to bring in $28.9 billion over the next decade. Visitors to the United States will need to pay a new fee to enter the country, according to the Trump administration's recently enacted bill. A provision in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act states all visitors who need nonimmigrant visas to enter the U.S.—tourists, business travelers and international students, to name a few—must pay a 'visa integrity fee,' currently priced at $250. The fee cannot be waived or reduced, but travelers are able to get their fees reimbursed, the provision states. All told, the Congressional Budget Office estimates the new fee could cut the federal deficit by $28.9 billion over the next ten years. During the same period, the CBO expects the Department of the State to issue about 120 million nonimmigrant visas. In 2023 alone, more than 10.4 million nonimmigrants were issued visas, according to DOS data. CBO expects a 'small number' of people will seek reimbursement, as many nonimmigrant visas are valid for several years. CBO also expects the Department of State would need several years to implement a process for providing reimbursements. Still, the fee could generate billions, the agency estimates. The fee is set at $250 during the U.S. fiscal year 2025, which ends Sept. 30, and must be paid when the visa is issued, according to the provision. The secretary of Homeland Security can set the current fee higher, the provision states. During each subsequent fiscal year, the fee will be adjusted for inflation. Those eligible for reimbursement are visa holders who comply with conditions of the visa, which include not accepting unauthorized employment or not overstaying their visa validity date by more than five days, according to the provision. Senior Equity Analyst at CFRA Research Ana Garcia told Fortune in an email she expects the 'vast majority' of affected travelers to be eligible for reimbursement, as historical U.S. Congressional Research Service data indicates that only 1% to 2% of nonimmigrant visitors overstayed their visas between 2016 and 2022. 'The fee's design as a refundable security deposit, contingent upon visa compliance, should mitigate concerns among legitimate travelers.' Garcia wrote. Reimbursements will be made after the travel visa expires, the provision said. Any fees not reimbursed will be deposited into America's Checkbook, or the General Fund of the Government. What's unclear is the effective date of the 'visa integrity fee.' Steven A. Brown, a partner at the Houston-based immigration law firm Reddy Neumann Brown PC, wrote in a post on his firm's website the fee's 'specific start dates have not yet been confirmed.' Brown points out that the fee is an add-on to others already required by U.S. travelers. 'For example, an H-1B worker already paying a $205 application fee may now expect to pay a total of $455 once this fee is in place,' Brown wrote. Most travelers are also required to pay a fee that comes with submitting a Form 1-94 arrival and departure record. The One Big Beautiful Bill Act increased this charge from $6 to $24. CFRA's Garcia expects demand to be unmoved by the fee, considering 'higher-income' consumers comprise the majority of international leisure and business travelers to the U.S. 'For affluent travelers, the additional $250 represents a manageable increment relative to overall trip costs,' Garcia wrote. 'The fee structure appears strategically designed to enhance compliance rather than broadly restrict travel.' This story was originally featured on Solve the daily Crossword