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What has changed in Niger two years after the coup?  – DW – 07/25/2025

What has changed in Niger two years after the coup? – DW – 07/25/2025

DW25-07-2025
As Niger marks two years since the July 26, 2023 coup, the military junta faces a critical test. Has life improved under their rule — or has the promise of change fallen flat?
On July 26, 2023, Niger was thrown into political turmoil. A coup d'état was announced on state television just hours after members of the presidential guard detained democratically elected President Mohamed Bazoum.
The coup was led by the head of the presidential guard, General Abdourahmane Tchiani, with support from elements of the nation's armed forces.
When he took power two years ago, Tchiani justified the coup by citing growing insecurity, harsh economic conditions, and what he described as excessive influence from Western powers, particularly the country's former colonial ruler, France.
Niger has experienced multiple military takeovers in the past, but this time was different: Many citizens took to the streets to show their support for the military leaders.
But in the two years that followed, some analysts say little has changed for the better. "In some cases, the situation has worsened," Mutaru Mumuni Muqthar, executive director of the West African Center for Counter Extremism, told DW.
With the events of July 26, Niger joined the ranks of neighboring Mali and Burkina Faso, which were already under military rule. In early 2024, Niger, along with Mali and Burkina Faso, announced its withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States, or ECOWAS. The move marked a major shift in the region, deepening the divide between the military-led governments and the bloc pushing for a return to civilian rule.
Niger's current leadership has forced many nongovernmental organizations, including the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) — which had been assisting more than 2 million people affected by armed conflict — to shut down operations.
For some Nigeriens, especially those who lost their jobs following the leadership change, life has become more difficult.
"Right now, I'm suffering. It's been a year since we stopped," said Souley, 35, who lost his job as a nutrition researcher at a local NGO after the coup, in an interview with DW.
Mahamane, 32, also lost his job as an assistant coordinator at an NGO based in Tillabéri. "Right after the coup, funds weren't coming in regularly, and our activities were delayed," he said. "Finally, they decided to stop funding altogether.'
"There is a very constricted space for civil society or NGO work, so there are a lot of job losses in that space," said Muqthar from the West African Center for Counter Extremism. "That implies you'll have a situation where there is significant pressure among youth, and that can lead to unrest in that part of the country."
Niger already struggles with high levels of youth unemployment. In 2023, the International Labour Organization estimated that about 23% of Nigeriens between the ages of 15 and 29 were unemployed — one of the highest youth unemployment rates in Africa.
Rights groups, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, have accused the junta of cracking down on freedom of the press and expression in the media and civil society.
Ilaria Allegrozzi, seniorSahel researcher at Human Rights Watch, said freedom of expression has been deteriorating in the country.
"Since the coup d'état two years ago, authorities have shown a high level of intolerance. They have cracked down on the opposition, the media and civil society, and they are clearly rejecting any transition back to civilian democratic rule,' Allegrozzi told DW.
"They have arbitrarily detained former President Mohamed Bazoum and his wife for two years. They have also arbitrarily arrested and detained dozens of other officials from the ousted government — people close to the former president, including ministers. And they have failed to grant them due process and fair trial rights,' she added.
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In its 2025 State of the World's Human Rights report, Amnesty International said Nigerhas routinely violated "human rights to information and freedom of expression.'
Although about 50 detainees were released from prison in April, the organization said "several others still languish behind bars on politically motivated charges.'
In January 2024, the Press House (Maison de la Presse) — an umbrella group of 32 media organizations — was suspended and replaced by an ad hoc committee headed by the secretary-general of the Ministry of the Interior, according to According to Amnesty International.
In March, the leader of Niger'smilitary government, General Abdourahamane Tchiani, was sworn in for a five-year term under a new charter that replaced the country's constitution. For many, it signaled that a return to civilian democratic rule is unlikely to happen anytime soon.
"In the beginning, we were talking about three years; now we are talking about five years. It's an indication that this regime is seeking to stay much longer than expected. And it is my estimation that they are probably going to stay much longer than even five years,' Muqthar told DW.
Efforts by ECOWAS to help Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali transition back to civilian rule have so far failed.
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Long-distance arms: German money for Ukraine's combat drones – DW – 08/03/2025
Long-distance arms: German money for Ukraine's combat drones – DW – 08/03/2025

DW

timean hour ago

  • DW

Long-distance arms: German money for Ukraine's combat drones – DW – 08/03/2025

Germany is investing more in the production of Ukrainian weaponry, particularly long-range drones. What is possible, and what are the limits? Apartment buildings in flames and clouds of smoke over the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv: Almost every day, Russia attacks the country with drones and rockets. In response, Ukraine is defending itself, including by striking targets deeper inside Russia. It's quite possible that in these long-distance attacks, drones produced with German funds are being used. "This is the beginning of a new form of military-industrial cooperation between our countries, one that has great potential," German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said in late May when Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy visited Berlin. The two countries' defense ministries signed an agreement back then: Germany would finance long-range weapons but they are to be produced in Ukraine. Two months later, not many details about the arrangement have become public. "The process is ongoing," Mitko Müller, a senior spokesperson for Germany's Ministry of Defense, told DW in late July. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video In June 2024, Denmark became the first NATO member state to get involved in the Ukrainian arms industry. German arms manufacturers are represented in Ukraine, with Rheinmetall, an arms manufacturer headquartered in Düsseldorf, likely the most visible. The industrial giant is expanding its presence there and is engaged in a number of joint ventures. For example, tanks are being manufactured and repaired there and an ammunition factory being built. "We are seeing a huge change in Germany's approach toward Ukraine, a complete opening up," Ihor Fedirko, the chief executive of the Ukrainian Council of Defense Industry (UCDI= told DW. Direct investments by the German government into Ukrainian drone and missile production are still a relative novelty. According to , a German newspaper, Germany intends to fund around 500 An-196 Liutyi drones, one-way attack, unmanned aerial vehicles. Ukrainian media reports suggest that each drone costs around $200,000 (€175,000). The drone was developed as a result of previous cooperation between Turkey and Ukraine. The An-196 Liutyi "was already quite advanced in its development and testing," military expert Gustav Gressel, formerly a senior policy fellow with the European Council on Foreign Relations, explained. A very high proportion of these drones are shot down though, Gressel continued, because they fly fairly slowly, at similar speeds to comparable Russian models. Apart from funds, Ukraine is also hoping for German know-how. "We lack deep-tech technologies," Fedirko explains, referring to cutting-edge engineering. "This affects the component base. Equipped with this kind of knowledge, we could modernize more thoroughly and become more efficient," he said. Germany has these technologies. Currently Ukraine is asking all of its allies for technology that would enable long-range weapons, Fedirko continued. "We're talking about a range of between 500 and 1,000 kilometers," he explains. "Some of them [the weapons] — for example, the deep-strike Liutyi, can already get to targets more than 2,000 kilometers away." Many German defense companies getting more active in Ukraine are startups, mostly based in Bavaria. One example is Quantum Systems, a firm specializing in aerial data and making unmanned aerial systems to collect it. Fedirko describes this as a "best-case scenario" of the kind of cooperation Ukraine wants. Founded in 2015, Quantum Systems has been supplying its Vector reconnaissance drones to the Ukrainian army since 2022. A special feature of the Vector is its ability to take off and land vertically. "We are the only Western company producing reconnaissance drones where they are most urgently needed: on-site in Ukraine," says Sven Kruck, co-chief executive at Quantum Systems. His company employs around 200 people in Ukraine, and it's growing; a second production plant is scheduled to open in September. In mid-July, Quantum Systems announced that it would also acquire a 10% stake in Frontline, a Ukrainian drone manufacturer. It will have the option to increase that stake to 25% over the next year. "Frontline specializes in technical solutions for reconnaissance and strike operations. Its systems are currently used by 41 military units in Ukraine," Kruck explained. "We see potential for cooperation, especially in the development of drone defense." However, he added, his company doesn't plan to get into combat drones. Combat drones are being made by another German company, Helsing. The Bavarian firm has already delivered thousands of drones to Ukraine and, last February, announced a new contract for over 6,000 HX-2 strike drones. According to online publication Defense industry Europe, the HX-2 is "an electrically propelled X-wing precision munition with a range of up to 100 kilometers." Its use of advanced computing also makes it more resistant to electronic warfare. Helsing did not respond to DW's enquiries asking for further details. However, as much as the Ukrainians might be pleased about German funding and investments into drones, demand still far outstrips supply. Gressel argues that Ukraine needs bulk supplies of good quality. These can only be produced cost-effectively inside Ukraine itself. The same argument applies to missiles, such as the Taurus cruise missiles, a weapon the Germans are currently unwilling to supply. However, Gressel suggests that cooperation with German companies might enable some parts to be supplied. That could increase the range of Ukraine's own Neptune cruise missiles, with more energy-efficient engines that could fly further on the same amount of fuel and more accurate sensors, which would help land-based targeting. However, a decision on supplies like that has yet to be made. Germany is not only more willing to invest in Ukraine but also to share knowledge. At the start of the war, there were fears that modern German technology could fall into Russian hands and doubt about the reliability of the Ukrainian military personnel, Gressel explains. That's one of the reasons why Ukraine initially received older weaponry. But that's changed. This is partly due to the fact that Ukraine now produces modern weapons itself and can compete with other manufacturers. "German companies are learning things here that you never get to simulate in peacetime," Gressel notes. For example, Ukraine's combat zone is absolutely packed with jammers, jamming devices and air defense systems, the sort of thing you'd never get anywhere else, not on a NATO training ground, in simulations in Germany, nor in the US. The defense industry recognizes this, Gressel says. Quantum Systems' Kruck can confirm that. "Drone development is a game of cat and mouse," he told DW. "Only those who are on site can adapt to all the constant changes. Our insights from Ukraine flow directly into our product development, which we make available to all our customers worldwide." He sees his company's work in Ukraine as a "flagship project" and wants to encourage others to emulate it. The UCDI's Fedirko would like to see this kind of cooperation go even further. "Germany is a country with typical European bureaucracy," he admits. "So it takes time to get things done. But when the Germans say they're doing something, we Ukrainians know it will get done." 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Middle East updates: Germany says Gaza aid 'insufficient' – DW – 08/02/2025
Middle East updates: Germany says Gaza aid 'insufficient' – DW – 08/02/2025

DW

time11 hours ago

  • DW

Middle East updates: Germany says Gaza aid 'insufficient' – DW – 08/02/2025

The German government said it has taken note of "limited initial progress" in aid entering Gaza but said the amount was "very insufficient" to meet the needs of people there. DW has the latest. Germany airdrops more humanitarian aid into Gaza, with the German government also saying more needed to be done to improve the situation in the territory. Meanwhile, US envoy Steve Witkoff told families of Israeli hostages held captive by Hamas that he would secure a deal to make sure their loved ones Bundeswehr armed forces delivered about 9.6 tons of aid into Gaza on Saturday, according to the DPA news agency. An A400M military transport aircraft dropped 22 pallets of humanitarian aid containing food and medical supplies into Gaza, the report said. The Israeli military said countries like France, Egypt, Jordan and the United Arab Emirates delivered about 90 pallets of aid into Gaza on Saturday. A United Nations-affiliated organization that tracks food security worldwide issued a dire warning earlier this week about the hunger crisis in the Gaza Strip. It confirmed that, based on data up to July 25, a "worse-case" famine scenario, was unfolding across Gaza. Israeli authorities control the only three border crossings at the Strip and cut off all supplies to Gaza at the beginning of March. Israeli authorities then reopened some aid centers in May, but with restrictions they said were designed to stop goods from being stolen by Hamas militants. Hamas is designated as a terrorist organization by Israel, the US, Germany, the EU and others. Malnutrition-related deaths spiked in Gaza in July, according to the World Health Organization. Airdrops have been sharply criticized by some humanitarian groups as expensive, inefficient and dangerous. US envoy Steve Witkoff on Saturday visited Hostages Square in Tel Aviv and vowed to secure the release of the remaining hostages in Gaza. "We will get your children home and hold Hamas responsible for any bad acts on their part," Witkoff told families of Israeli hostages who had gathered at the square to stage a protest to call upon the Israeli government to secure a deal to release their loved ones from captivity. Witkoff was cited as saying so, according to a statement by the Hostages and Missing Families Forum. He added, "We will do what's right for the Gazan people." Protesters had gathered at the square after a video of an Israeli hostage in Gaza was released by the Palestinian Islamic Jihad on Thursday. Hamas then released a video of Evyatar David, another Israeli hostage, on Friday. The video showed David in a visibly fragile state. It is unclear when those videos were filmed. Witkoff on Friday also visited an aid distribution site in southern Gaza run by the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. The foundation has been widely criticized for failing to improve conditions in the besieged enclave. The amount of aid entering Gaza remains "very insufficient" despite limited improvement, the German government said on Saturday, after ministers discussed ways to heighten pressure on Israel. Germany "notes limited initial progress in the delivery of humanitarian aid to the population of the Gaza Strip, which, however, remains very insufficient to alleviate the emergency situation," government spokesman Stefan Kornelius said in a statement. "Israel remains obligated to ensure the full delivery of aid," Kornelius added. German ministers had gathered on Saturday, following German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul's trip to Israel and the Palestinian Territories on Thursday and Friday. Wadephul had called upon Israeli authorities to ensure safe access for United Nations agencies to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza, saying the current restrictions were worsening the crisis. "The humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza must end now," Wadephul had said, stressing that aid distribution through the UN had long worked effectively and needed to resume without obstacles. Good evening and welcome to weekend edition of the Middle East blog. We're tracking the news about Germany having delivered more aid into Gaza, as well as US envoy Steve Witkoff's visit to the region. Witkoff has met with families of Israeli hostages held captive by Hamas and vowed to secure a deal to bring their loved ones home. But some families were disappointed and said they have would have liked to hear more about practical ways to secure that deal. Follow along for news, analysis, and explainers on the situation in Gaza, Israel, and the wider Middle East, on the weekend of August 2 and August 3.

Dmitry Medvedev: Russia's Hawkish Ex-president
Dmitry Medvedev: Russia's Hawkish Ex-president

Int'l Business Times

time16 hours ago

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Dmitry Medvedev: Russia's Hawkish Ex-president

Former Russian president Dmitry Medvedev, whose comments prompted US President Donald Trump to move two nuclear submarines, was once seen as a liberal reformer but has become one of the Kremlin's most prominent anti-Western hawks. The 59-year-old, who served as head of state between 2008 and 2012, sought "friendly" ties with Europe and the United States during his single term but faded into obscurity after handing the post back to President Vladimir Putin. Demoted to prime minister in 2012 and then made deputy head of Russia's security council in 2020 -- a largely advisory role -- Medvedev began espousing hardline views on social media shortly after Moscow launched its Ukraine offensive. In public statements since the conflict began he has described Westerners as "bastards and degenerates", declared that "Ukraine is, of course, Russia" and raised the possibility of using nuclear weapons against Russia's enemies. In June, after the US launched air strikes on nuclear facilities in Moscow-allied Iran, Medvedev suggested that "a number of countries" were willing to provide Tehran with nuclear warheads, prompting an angry Trump to accuse him of "casually" threatening a nuclear strike. On Thursday, Medvedev alluded to Moscow's semi-automatic "Dead Hand" nuclear arms control system in a Telegram post criticising Trump. Medvedev's critics have derided his posts as an attempt to retain political relevance in Russia's crowded elite circles, but Trump has taken the threats seriously. "Based on the highly provocative statements," Trump said Friday, "I have ordered two nuclear submarines to be positioned in the appropriate regions, just in case these foolish and inflammatory statements are more than just that." Medvedev's often incendiary posts contrast sharply with his public image in office, when he declared Russia did not want confrontation with "any country" as part of his foreign policy doctrine. In 2010, he signed a nuclear arms reduction treaty with US President Barack Obama, while in 2011 he brought Russia into the World Trade Organisation after 18 years of negotiations. On his watch, Moscow also abstained in a key UN Security Council vote on Libya in 2011 that paved the way for a NATO-led military intervention, a decision Putin has relentlessly criticised since. But it was always clear who was the senior partner in a pairing dubbed Batman and Robin by a secret US cable. Medvedev's first act after winning a 2008 presidential election on the back of Putin's support was to appoint the Russian strongman as prime minister, giving Putin broad decision-making power. While some in the West greeted Medvedev's arrival, others saw him as simply a placeholder for Putin, who was able to circumvent constitutional term limits and remain in de facto power. In 2008 Russia sent troops into Georgia, fracturing relations with the West, a decision that Medvedev insisted he made but that a top general claimed was planned by Putin before Medvedev was even inaugurated. His trademark modernisation programme was marked by bold statements but was also mercilessly mocked by commentators for being short on actions as Putin held real power. Medvedev, born in Putin's home town of Leningrad, owes his entire political career to the former KGB agent. Putin took his protege to Moscow after being appointed prime minister in 1999 and Medvedev rapidly rose to become chairman of gas giant Gazprom. He also served as chief of staff at the Kremlin and as first deputy prime minister. After taking office, he said Russia's economy had reached a "dead end" and required urgent reform. But cynics pointed out that such words counted for little when Russia was still dominated by Putin, and Medvedev himself played down the idea there was any radical difference in their visions. After championing anti-corruption measures while in office, Medvedev was himself accused of graft in 2017, when late opposition leader Alexei Navalny alleged he had built a luxury property empire using embezzled funds. Navalny was labelled an "extremist" by Russian authorities in 2021. While liberals and the West hoped Medvedev would reverse the increase in state control and erosion of civil liberties during Putin's previous rule, he showed little desire for a radical break with Putin's legacy. "Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin really is modern Russia's most popular, experienced and successful politician," Medvedev said during an attempt to explain why he was standing down in favour of Putin in 2012. Medvedev's recent statements contrast sharply with his public image in office AFP Medvedev played down the idea there was any radical difference between him and Putin AFP

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