
Pretoria at a crossroads with the US
Relations between Pretoria and Washington have once again plunged into a new historic low following a series of moves by US President Donald Trump.
In a single sweep, Washington has imposed punitive 30% tariffs on South African steel, citrus and automotive exports. These duties take effect from tomorrow after the US failed to respond to South Africa's trade proposals.
The tariff blow has escalated diplomatic tension, with the US expressing disdain for South Africa's broad-based black economic empowerment and land reform policies.
In addition, Trump announced a boycott of the G20 Summit in Johannesburg in November and there has been an intensified criticism of Pretoria's legal action against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), accusing the country of 'supporting genocide denial'.
At the heart of this diplomatic crisis, it must be admitted that US reaction is motivated by South Africa's growing leadership within the Brics bloc – now expanded to include Iran, Ethiopia and Egypt – and its outspoken support for Palestine, including its ICJ case accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza.
ALSO READ: US tariff an existential threat for a third of metals and engineering sector
These positions have drawn fierce condemnation from the Trump administration and triggered a dramatic shift in US policy toward Pretoria.
As much as the Trump administration seeks to shield American industries, these protectionist tariffs smell of political motivation and economic recklessness.
They could cost thousands of South African jobs, disrupt key industrial supply chains and severely undermine efforts toward African industrialisation.
With such consequences, it leaves one to believe that South Africa is being punished for its exercise of sovereign foreign policy.
South Africa's foreign policy shift has been years in the making. There have been talks for de-dollarisation, reform of global institutions and solidarity among developing nations in an attempt to challenge this entrenched Western-led domination of the world.
ALSO READ: As if US tariff is not enough, more bad news for South African exporters
Therefore, it ought not to be surprising that its firm stance on Palestine, including the closure of its embassy in Israel and calls for sanctions, has drawn civil society praise and Western disapproval.
Both Brics activism and pro-Palestinian diplomacy have made South Africa a target for ideological pressure from Washington.
And not only is this diplomatic row having grave consequences on paper, but the 30% tariffs which affect over R50 billion in annual exports, also threatens Pretoria's continued participation in the African Growth and Opportunity Act – a US trade preference programme that has historically boosted African economies.
This moment signifies more than a breakdown in bilateral relations. It exposes the balance of forces in global governance where rising powers challenge the hegemonic influence of the West.
With Trump absent from the G20, the summit now ought to become a platform for global south leaders to resist US bullying and advocate for alternative visions of a new world order.
ALSO READ: Beyond Trump's pointless pause
As for Washington, the path of coercion is now proving unsustainable. Because by alienating democratic partners like South Africa, it undermines its long-term influence in Africa, especially taking the rise of Chinese and Russian engagements into consideration.
However, Pretoria must not give up on engaging the US because, economically, a lot is at stake. But if South Africa is expected to forfeit its sovereignty, then this is the moment the country needs to look for other avenues that can ensure its survival without the US.
This diplomatic standoff is not simply about trade disputes or summit politics. It raises deeper questions about sovereignty, justice and the rules-based system that will define international relations in the 21st century.
A return to dialogue, mutual respect and principled engagement is not just desirable, it is imperative.
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Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ The conversation resurfaced yet again after US President Donald Trump's plans to have their nation's banks powers reviewed for what he called 'politicising or unlawful banking practices'. 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The EMSF, supported by WAPFSA (a coalition of more than 30 organisations focused on animal welfare, biodiversity, ethics and public participation), filed formal objections to DFFE's 2024 and 2025 public notices on non-detriment findings (NDFs) for CITES-listed species and for input on the Draft National Biodiversity Economy Strategy (NBES), which presents the government's desire to ramp up trophy hunting to industrial levels. They argued that the public consultation processes and the scientific methodologies were procedurally and substantively flawed, undermining CITES compliance and NEM:BA obligations. The NGO perspectives counterbalance industry-led claims, stressing ecosystem and welfare-centred conservation, and demand timely, transparent governmental response. Their involvement signals potential avenues for amicus support, broader civil society litigation or independent scientific intervention should the case escalate further. Legal framing: action vs inaction Despite their common focus on the DFFE's governance failures, WRSA and the NGOs present diametrically opposed legal arguments: WRSA Legal position: The DFFE's failure to issue quotas is unlawful; Objective: Compel the minister to act. NGOs Legal position: The DFFE's prior issuance of quotas without legal basis is unlawful; Objective: Block quota decisions lacking science and consultation. In short, WRSA's litigation attacks ministerial inaction, while the NGOs challenge unlawful action. Challenge in the Constitutional Court In another major legal development, the South African Hunters and Game Conservation Association has launched a Constitutional Court challenge against provisions in the National Environmental Management Laws Amendment Act 2 of 2022. These contested provisions introduced a definition of 'animal wellbeing' into South Africa's biodiversity legislation, a move the association claims is problematic. 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The NSPCA has since formally joined the Constitutional Court proceedings and filed its opposition, labelling the challenge as legally flawed and procedurally opportunistic. Similarly, the EMSF (also a respondent) has called on all state respondents, including the minister, to reject the challenge. EMSF argues that the wellbeing provisions are justified, scientifically grounded and necessary for effective wildlife protection – warning that their removal would undermine both conservation and legal integrity. What's at stake? The outcome of these challenges could redefine the legal responsibilities of the state in managing South Africa's wildlife. The wellbeing definition before the Constitutional Court plays a key role in shaping these legal reforms and views the provisions as vital for protecting wildlife from cruelty and neglect. The NGOs maintain that the new laws empower the minister to act on evidence of harm and apply a precautionary approach – critical for ethical wildlife governance. In the other case, a ruling compelling the department to publish quotas may force transparency, but could also deepen the rift between industry and civil society over what kind of wildlife economy the country should pursue. The NGOs warn that without robust processes, the DFFE risks turning quotas into rubber stamps for an unsustainable and exploitative system. With the minister now legally required to disclose internal records behind the quota delays, the next phase of litigation could expose how quota decisions – or indecisions – were made. WRSA has already hinted at further action, including potential contempt applications, if the department fails to comply. As South Africa balances conservation, economic development, ethical consideration and public accountability, these legal battles offer more than just a clash over hunting – they are a litmus test for the future of biodiversity governance in the country. DM Dr Adam Cruise is an investigative environmental journalist, travel writer and academic. He has contributed to a number of international publications, including National Geographic and The Guardian, covering diverse topics from the plight of elephants, rhinos and lions in Africa, to coral reef rejuvenation in Indonesia. Cruise is a doctor of philosophy, specialising in animal and environmental ethics, and is the editor of the online Journal of African Elephants.