Anti-Israel agitator charged in violent hate crime attack on two Jewish college students
Adam Erkan, 20, is facing four felony charges, including two counts of hate crime and two counts of aggravated battery causing great bodily harm.
Prosecutors allege that Erkan attacked Max Long and Michael Kaminsky while the pair were peacefully advocating for Israel on DePaul University's campus in Chicago on Nov. 6. Authorities said at the time that they were also looking for a second suspect.
Attacked Jewish Students In Chicago Speak Out About 'War On College Campuses'
Erkan, who was not a student at the university, allegedly approached Long while wearing a face-covering and making antisemitic slurs, according to police. A second suspect then struck Long from behind and eventually turned on Kaminsky when he attempted to step in to help, police said.
The Cook County Prosecutor's Office and Chicago Police Department did not immediately respond to Fox News Digital's request for comment.
Read On The Fox News App
Erkan's father identified him to police after surveillance footage captured Erkan fleeing the scene in a 2011 Silver Toyota RAV-4, according to prosecutors.
Harvard Under Fire As Dhs Secretary Cuts $2.7M In Grants, Demands Visa Records: 'America Demands More'
Authorities were able to obtain video footage of the incident, and police are still searching for the second suspect.
Fox News Digital was unable to locate an attorney representing Erkan.
Long, an Israeli Defense Forces reservist, lost consciousness and suffered a brain injury from the attack, while Kaminsky sustained a fractured wrist and required surgery.
Princeton President Vows Not To Cave To Trump, Yet Acknowledges Antisemitism On Campus
"It's definitely some sense of relief," Long said, adding, "I've said many times, I felt safer having the support of my team in the army around me in Gaza than I do a lot of times on my own college campus in Chicago."
Erkan was arrested outside his home earlier this week and made his first appearance in court on Thursday. A judge ordered Erkan to be held without bail as he awaits trial.
Ivy League Anti-israel Ringleader Mahmoud Khalil Denies Allegations As Judge Awaits Deportation Evidence
"We are extremely grateful for the work of the police who investigated this case and apprehended the suspect," DePaul University officials said in a statement to Fox News Digital. "The suspect is not a member of the DePaul community. Acts of hate and violence have no place at DePaul. We condemn antisemitism in all its forms and stand in solidarity with those affected by this reprehensible act."
Earlier this month, Long and Kaminsky filed a lawsuit alongside The Lawfare Project against DePaul University, alleging that officials allowed antisemitic rhetoric to infiltrate the campus.
"We appreciate the work the Chicago Police Department did to identify and apprehend this suspect, and expect the State Attorney to vigorously prosecute this as the conspiracy and hate crime attack it was," Gerard Filitti, The Lawfare Project Senior Counsel, said in a statement to Fox News Digital.
"We have every confidence that the second attacker will be apprehended shortly. As the judge made clear at yesterday's hearing, the evidence shows a plan to attack Max and Michael, and its methodical implementation. It is highly significant that the defendant, Adam Erkan, was denied bail, clearly signaling that he remains a danger to the Jewish community, and setting an important precedent in the prosecution of hate crimes."
Fox News' Max Bacall and Mike Tobin contributed to this report. Original article source: Anti-Israel agitator charged in violent hate crime attack on two Jewish college students
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Northern Command head: We made a serious mistake in allowing Hezbollah to grow on border
Gordin oversaw the year-long war with Hezbollah, which included intense fighting along the northern border, as well as heavy drone and rocket fire. Israel's northern military leadership made a strategic mistake in allowing Hezbollah to grow along the northern border, outgoing Northern Command commander Major General Uri Gordin admitted on Wednesday during his changeover ceremony. Major General Rafi Milo, former Home Front Command head, is assuming his position. "This was an operational and strategic mistake on my part and that of my predecessors – a serious mistake that must not be repeated!" Gordin said. "The north is safer today than it has been in decades. This is the time to upgrade and bring about prosperity and growth; this is a national opportunity," Gordin said. Gordin, who is said to be pursuing further academic education, is expected to be in the running for the position of IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir's second-in-command. Maj.-Gen. David Zini was in the running for being Gordin's replacement. Gordin oversaw war with Hezbollah Gordin oversaw the year-long war with Hezbollah, which included intense fighting along the northern border, as well as heavy drone and rocket fire. A ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hezbollah was signed on November 27 of last year following intense mediation efforts led by the United States. Amir Bohbot contributed to this report. Solve the daily Crossword
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
Behind the attack: How IDF's northern chief Uri Gordin defeated Hezbollah
The 'Post' examines how Maj.-Gen. Uri Gordin was able to catch Hezbollah at its weakest and decapitate the growing threat on Israel's northern border. It was September 15, 2024, and theJerusalem Post was visiting IDF Northern Command Headquarters to hold interviews and off-record conversations with relatively senior brigadier general and colonel-level officers there. What I could not report at the time was that during the visit to the base, I witnessed up close thousands of officers and soldiers in unusual meetings, clearly preparing for a major operation against Hezbollah. And yet nothing leaked, and even the officers whom the Post spoke to thought it was still quite possible that the sides would reach a deal before the war would get much larger. A large part of the calm and readiness to turn the war volume immediately up or down came from their commander, outgoing Northern Command chief Maj. Gen. Uri Gordin. The Post has learned that Gordin was ready to launch a game-changing IDF assault on Hezbollah in October 2023, May 2024, July 2024, and again in September 2024, when it finally played out. Gordin is essentially a cool customer at all times. Even when people raise their voice to him, which would often lead other IDF officers to yell back or crack a sarcastic comment, he simply takes the energy out of any fight, staking out his position calmly as if nothing can sway him. It does not hurt that he is huge and built like a wall, which gives his calm and firm words a different resonance and power. Tearing apart Hezbollah This meant that at 3:30 p.m. on September 17, 2024, when exploding sabotaged beepers started literally tearing Hezbollah and its forces apart all over Lebanon, the Post has learned that there was no clear victory lap moment. Part of the reason was his natural unruffled state, but part of it also was that Gordin knew this was just the opening shot. He now had a race for time. Gordin needed to bomb and destroy Hezbollah's rockets and ballistic missiles before they could rain hellfire down on Tel Aviv and Haifa. Even with the beeper's initial success, there were thousands or more Israeli civilian lives in the balance. But Gordin was also calm for another reason. He had carried out a very serious "dress rehearsal" and knew how that script had ended. In late July 2024, Hezbollah killed 12 Druze-Israelis and injured 42 others in a rocket attack on the northern Israeli town of Majdal Shams. Gordin and Israel responded by assassinating Hezbollah's chief military commander, Fuad Shukr. Sources close to Gordin have told the Post that an element of the success against Shukr was total surprise and a variety of military actions which misled Shukr and Hezbollah into a sense of false safety and complacency. Gordin managed this despite bombastic statements by top Israeli officials about a harsh response. The Post has learned that Gordin knew that once he removed Shukr that Hezbollah Chief Hassan Nasrallah was at a loss. Nasrallah had always relied on Shukr for military strategy and tactics, and was much less sure of himself and slower to make decisions without him by his side. Gordin's causing Nasrallah to think and move slowly would prove critical. In fact, sources close to Gordin told the Post that he outfoxed Hezbollah a number of times. The key time was August 25, 2024. Hezbollah had hoped to fire off possibly up to 1,000 rockets and missiles on Israel in one day. By the time Gordin was done with them, it had only managed to fire off around 210 rockets, hitting a chicken coop and not much else. This was part of how Gordin felt confident that he could run the table against Hezbollah a few weeks later. On September 23, led by Gordin, the air force and IDF intelligence, the military struck 1,525 Hezbollah targets all in one day. As Gordin quietly savored that victory, he now felt that much more secure than he had when the beepers first went off six days before. He now knew he could hit any Hezbollah target he wanted virtually whenever he wanted. The minds behind the muscle And Gordin had not been a passive commander. Credit should be given to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, then defense minister Yoav Gallant, and then IDF chief Herzi Halevi on managing a stunningly successful operation against Hezbollah. But the Post has learned that the plans for how and when to attack Hezbollah originated with Gordin and that he was not bashful about initiating new and audacious attack plans within the defense establishment. Likewise, the country and the world all learned about Israel's invasion of southern Lebanon on September 30. But on October 1, Gordin told the Post and other media that he had shepherded through over 70 covert invasion operations into Lebanon during the war prior to the actual big invasion. The Post understands that Gordin was very aggressive in seeking and obtaining permission from his superiors to undertake so many covert invasions of Lebanon. Incidentally, this was one of the secrets to why the IDF's big invasion faced almost no Hezbollah resistance. Many of Hezbollah's forces in southern Lebanon had not just been bombed on a steady basis by Gordin and the air force over 11 months. Gordin had also had his best troops going head to head with any Hezbollah forces who had not gotten the hint to flee, including destroying many of their hideouts and weapons storage depots. There were also IDF generals who clashed with the political class over broad strategic issues or complained when the government did not seem to back them enough. Gordin faced much of this when Netanyahu and much of the government let him take much of the brunt of the criticism from 60,000-80,000 Israeli northern residents who had to evacuate their homes when the war started. Despite such experiences, Gordin always remained loyal and toed the line to the political echelon, and is expected to eventually get another top post in the IDF. The debate is whether his next posting will be IDF intelligence chief or deputy IDF chief. In between, for the next year or so, he is expected to undertake military academic studies, much the same way that current IDF chief Eyal Zamir did, while he was waiting for another public service posting. In two recent visits to Lebanon in which the Post accompanied Gordin, the outgoing northern command chief made it clear that his goal had been to secure security for Israel's future. He told the Post straight out that he would prefer another round of a significant war with Hezbollah if that is what it would take to get the group to disarm and to cease to be a major threat to Israel. In his outgoing speech on Wednesday night, he concluded, "Preserve security, and not the quiet," implying clearly that quiet will eventually come through security. Part of this highly aggressive attitude comes from his modest apology to the northern residents who were stuck out of their homes for over a year given that he and the military failed to confront Hezbollah as it built up its threat capacity on Israel's border. The highly successful IDF invasion of southern Lebanon led by Gordin found that had Hezbollah decided to invade Israel on October 7 at the same time as Hamas, it was so stocked with weapons that it likely could have conquered large portions of the Galilee. As Gordin passes on the baton to IDF Maj. Gen. Rafi Milo, until Wednesday the head of the IDF Home Front Command, can at least feel – along with his successful elimination of most of the Assad Syrian regime's military capabilities – that he has left the northern front safer than it has been in over 20 years.
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
In Gaza, tribal fighters and diplomats eye the same prize
Gazan resident Mahmoud Hamdan says that Palestinians, caught between Israel and Hamas, have 'no clear political alternative' As Israel moves to seize Gaza City, dismantle Hamas, and keep a long-term military presence, local medical staff reported at least 48 dead Tuesday in strikes across Gaza City and Khan Yunis. Five more people, including two children, have died of starvation and malnutrition in Gaza in the past 24 hours, the territory's health ministry said. Critics warn that Netanyahu's Oct. 7, 2025, deadline for seizing Gaza City could uproot thousands more residents and further deepen the political vacuum left by Hamas' retreat and the Palestinian Authority's 18-year absence. That gap is already being contested on the ground: clan-based militias are stepping into governance roles, mediating disputes and escorting aid convoys in parts of the Strip. Rooted in Bedouin and clan traditions, these kinship systems have long mediated disputes, distributed aid and maintained social order when formal government structures faltered. The war has brought them back to the forefront, operating as de facto municipal authorities in many neighborhoods. A Hamas-free pocket in eastern Rafah — controlled by the clan-based 'Popular Forces' of Yasser Abu Shabab — has emerged as an example of an alternative local order. Its future is uncertain, but the enclave is drawing attention as both an anomaly and a possible preview of postwar governance. The Yasser Abu Shabab – Popular Forces Facebook page — followed by more than 30,000 people — describes the group as 'The voice of truth against terrorism for a safe homeland for all' and labels its feed as the group's 'media office.' Operating in the eastern sector of Rafah, near the Gaza–Egypt border, the group showcases its activities through frequent online updates. In a July 30 video, Abu Shabab said his forces carried out a 'special operation' evacuating dozens of civilians from Deir al-Balah, Nuseirat and Khan Yunis to 'safe areas' under their control in eastern Rafah. The group said it spent months building the refuge to shelter Gazans 'still suffering from Hamas' looting and repression.' On July 31, it said its fighters 'secured and imported dozens of trucks' carrying flour and other supplies, and on Aug. 6, it reported escorting 'a large number of trucks' loaded with food, flour and cooking oil out of its territory. Hamas's replacement Omar Salim, 22, a student from Rafah, told The Media Line that Yasser Abu Shabab and his fighters were one of the few realistic options for ending Hamas' rule. 'What Yasser Abu Shabab's popular forces are doing is probably the best option we've got right now. We just want peace — we don't want to be ruled by armed groups like Hamas that drag us into war. We're sick of it,' Salim said. 'Sure, they still need to get better organized, but they're working on it. These days, a lot of families are moving into areas controlled by the popular forces because they feel safer there than in the neighborhoods where Hamas militias are still around.' In Deir al-Balah, Ibrahim Ahmed, 36, who worked at a local mobile phone shop until the 2023 war began, described the chaos and deprivation now gripping Gaza as 'mired in uncertainty,' with many 'grappling with anxiety about what lies ahead.' People rush to stockpile food and medicine, he said, 'but soaring prices and persistent shortages complicate these efforts.' Ahmed told The Media Line he sees no alliances among the warring factions. 'Israeli forces have largely subdued Hamas, which now clings to a mere handful of weapons, primarily to instill fear among civilians and quash dissent,' he said. 'Hamas' claims about readiness to resist an Israeli takeover of Gaza City are hollow media posturing — a facade for maintaining their waning influence.' He added that the Palestinian Authority 'appears increasingly irrelevant,' while armed groups like Abu Shabab 'navigate freely within Israeli-controlled territories' and avoid conflict with Israeli forces. 'This dynamic suggests Israel may turn to these clans during a potential period of military governance, positioning them as a counterbalance to both Hamas and the Palestinian Authority,' Ahmed warned. 'Mr. Netanyahu and the Israeli military are cultivating a new power structure. But Gaza risks descending into civil war and chaos.' Meanwhile, Hamas' feared counterintelligence Sahm unit continues to kill, torture, maim and intimidate Palestinians in Gaza, with the group posting graphic images and videos of its actions on a Telegram channel believed to be operated from Belgium. The footage shows detainees beaten, bound and in some cases executed, as the unit seeks to stamp out suspected dissent or collaboration. Other Facebook videos last week showed a convoy of masked, rifle-waving fighters patrolling a Gaza neighborhood. On the platform — one of the few spaces where Gazans can safely vent about the suffering caused by Israel's war and Hamas' grip on their streets — users mocked the fighters' covered faces and apparent comfort amid civilian hunger and deprivation. Mahmoud Hamdan, 41, a father of three from Gaza City, said a military operation to reclaim the city is 'unlikely to unite factions; instead, it may deepen divisions, fragment communities and increase violence.' 'Palestinian civilians suffer the most,' Hamdan told The Media Line, 'trapped between Israel and Hamas, with no control or refuge in their homes amid the chaos.' He sees 'no clear political alternative' — neither from clan factions nor possible Arab troop involvement. In his view, the main aim is 'strengthening Netanyahu's power,' with the prime minister 'manipulating the situation with Hamas to justify his controversial political moves.' Hamdan's fears of Gaza sliding toward civil war come as even some of Hamas' staunchest foreign patrons signal a shift. Pivoting from years of alignment with Hamas, Qatar and Turkey — two of the movement's most reliable political and financial backers joined other Arab and Muslim-majority states on July 29, 2025, in a joint declaration urging the group to return control of Gaza to the Palestinian Authority and disarm. At the same time, a new technocratic governance plan is being advanced by former Israeli intelligence operative Ari Ben-Menashe, now a Montréal-based lobbyist, who is positioning West Bank businessman Samir Hulileh to lead a transitional administration under an Arab League framework acceptable to the Trump administration — if not all elements of the Netanyahu cabinet. That includes far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who has openly called for the expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza and the resettlement of the Strip with Jewish Israelis, a vision sharply at odds with any internationally backed governance arrangement. The Hulileh concept envisions securing $53 billion in Gulf and European reconstruction funding, expanded border crossings, and up to 1,000 aid trucks a day — a top-down blueprint dependent on Arab and US endorsement. Hulileh, 68, is a Ramallah-based economist and former senior Palestinian Authority official with no political or professional ties to Gaza. Born in Kuwait in 1957, he earned a master's in economics from the American University of Beirut. He later served as CEO of the Palestine Development and Investment Company, one of the largest investment holding firms in the territories. A close confidant of US-Palestinian billionaire Bashar Masri, founder of Rawabi and head of Massar International, Hulileh has been involved in major West Bank development projects. Masri's investment network and political connections, including with the Trump administration, could help secure foreign capital and diplomatic support for the plan. Speaking to the Palestinian Ajyal radio on Tuesday, Hulileh said, 'In July 2024, I received a call from a Canadian contractor who was working closely with the US administration and the Pentagon on their search for moderate Palestinian figures.' Hulileh added, 'I then reached out to President Mahmoud Abbas informally, hoping to gain his essential support and endorsement for the initiative,' saying 'Israel firmly rejected the proposal, as did several Arab states that were expected to provide financial backing.' The Palestinian presidency has rejected the idea, saying it would aid Israeli efforts to separate Gaza from the West Bank. While Hulileh's candidacy reflects a top-down, internationally backed vision for Gaza's governance, Yasser Abu Shabab's 'Popular Forces' is a homegrown operation run through Gaza's tribal networks. Azzam Shaath, a political analyst from Deir al-Balah, told The Media Line the rise of Abu Shabab stems from 'the exceptional circumstances created by the Israeli war on the Strip.' He argued that Israel has tried to cultivate tribal and local leadership as alternatives to Hamas and the Palestinian Authority but 'has failed to produce any credible Palestinian civil body capable of managing aid or leading Gaza after the war.' Shaath said Israel works with Abu Shabab 'to sow further instability, dismantle Hamas' rule and create the illusion of viable Palestinian alternatives.' In reality, he views the group as 'a temporary, reactive phenomenon that will likely fade once the war ends and Palestinian factions agree on a unified governing committee.' 'As long as the conflict drags on, Abu Shabab will keep a limited foothold by exploiting the security vacuum and the absence of formal governance.' Solve the daily Crossword
