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A 30% tariff on Europe would effectively knock out transatlantic trade, says EU trade chief

A 30% tariff on Europe would effectively knock out transatlantic trade, says EU trade chief

CNN6 days ago
The European Union has warned that its trade with the United States could be effectively wiped out if Washington makes good on its threat to slap a 30% tariff on goods imported from the bloc.
A tariff of '30%, or anything above 30%… has more or less the same effect. So, practically it prohibits the trade,' Maroš Šefčovič, the EU's trade commissioner, said as he arrived ahead of an EU ministerial meeting in Brussels on Monday.
Šefčovič said it will 'be almost impossible' for the bloc to continue its current level of trade with America if that new tariff rate is implemented on August 1 – the date stipulated by US President Donald Trump in his letter to the EU on Saturday.
'If (the tariff) stays 30 (percent) plus, simply trading as we know it will not continue, with huge negative effects on both sides of the Atlantic,' he added. 'I will definitely do everything I can to prevent this super-negative scenario.'
The EU-US trade relationship is mighty. According to the European Council, EU-US bilateral trade in goods and services was worth €1.68 trillion ($1.96 trillion) last year. Together, the partners represent nearly 30% of global goods and services trade, per the Council.
But Trump has repeatedly rebuked the EU for what he sees as unfair trading practices, saying in April that the 27-nation bloc was 'formed to screw' America. He has pointed to EU tariffs on US goods as well as several 'non-tariff barriers' such as taxes on digital services to support that view.
Since re-taking office in January, Trump has hiked – and threatened to hike – tariffs on countries around the world to help eliminate the US' trade deficit, bring manufacturing jobs back to America and bring foreign nations to heel on key disputes.
For months, EU trade officials have been negotiating with their US counterparts to avoid Trump's tariffs, or to limit their damage. But after the US president threatened in May to jack up the rate of his so-called 'reciprocal' levy on EU goods from 20% to 50%, the bloc accelerated talks.
Šefčovič reiterated on Monday that the EU seeks a negotiated solution as well as his belief that one had been within touching distance before Trump's latest tariff salvo. 'The feeling on our side was that we are very close to an agreement,' he said, noting that the bloc is demonstrating 'enormous' levels of patience and creativity to secure a deal.
On Sunday, the EU said it will delay the implementation of planned countermeasures on €21 billion ($25 billion) worth of US exports from Monday until early August to allow more time to negotiate an agreement. Those countermeasures are in retaliation for the 25% tariff Washington has slapped on all steel and aluminium imports.
Lars Løkke Rasmussen, Denmark's foreign minister, said the bloc wants a fair deal and that it should prepare to retaliate.
'If you want peace, you have to prepare for war, and I think that's where we are. So, of course, we shouldn't impose countermeasures (at) this stage, but we should prepare to be ready to use all the tool in the toolbox,' Rasmussen said before the meeting of EU trade ministers on Monday.
European stocks were falling Monday morning in the first day of trade since Trump issued his new tariff threat over the weekend. The Stoxx Europe 600, the region's benchmark index, was trading 0.27% lower by early afternoon CET.
David Goldman contributed reporting.
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I saw first-hand how Putin and Xi manipulate the naive British state

It has taken six months and the deaths of thousands of Ukrainians but now, at last, Donald Trump may have grasped the truth about Vladimir Putin. As he threatens new sanctions and denounces Putin as 'crazy', the president is finally working out that Russia's leader is implacably determined to conquer Ukraine and rebuild an empire, at whatever cost in blood. But Trump is not alone in having lessons to learn: so, in all honesty, does the Foreign Office. Ever since Putin launched his full-scale invasion in February 2022, our diplomats have been at the forefront of backing Ukraine and maximising the pressure on Russia. They saw the onslaught coming and their response has won immense goodwill for Britain among Ukraine's government and people. On Friday, the Foreign Office named and sanctioned 18 Russian spies accused of covert bombings or acts of sabotage in Britain and elsewhere, designed to prevent support for Ukraine. 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At worst, you may end up emboldening the adversary to go further and inflict more harm than he would have done anyway. The easiest and perhaps most demeaning compromise is self-censorship in the cause of maintaining engagement. One evening in late 2016, as darkness settled over the trees of St James's Park outside my window in Private Office, I finished drafting a newspaper comment piece about Russia for the foreign secretary, then Boris Johnson. Before submitting my work to him, I had to send it for clearance by some of our most senior diplomats. Back came the answer: all fine, just one thing, please delete the phrase 'Russian aggression'. I asked why? Putin had grabbed Crimea and invaded eastern Ukraine two years earlier; he was, at that moment, waging a war on Ukrainian soil which had already claimed 8,000 lives and driven two million people from their homes. For good measure, his air force was carpet-bombing Aleppo in Syria. 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The same impulse may cause diplomats to go further and misread not just individuals but regimes. The Foreign Office's Russia department was generally composed of people with a grimly realistic view of Putin: most had no illusions about what we were facing. I sometimes thought we would be better off if they were in charge. But as late as 2019, I remember one of our leading Russia experts describing Putin's annexation of Crimea as not an 'imperialist' but a 'defensive' project. The irony was that Putin himself begged to differ. He was very clear about why he was dismembering Ukraine. He told anyone who would listen that he grabbed Crimea for the obviously imperial motive of restoring the territory annexed by Catherine the Great in the 18th century to the Russian motherland. Credit: Soon after achieving this in 2014, Putin made a triumphal progress through his new province, hailing the 'return' of Crimea to the 'native land' and describing this as a tribute to 'historical truth and the memory of our ancestors'. He did not trouble to pretend that his motives were defensive. How could a Civil Service expert suggest otherwise? The only plausible explanation is that this person genuinely believed in the necessity of engaging with Russia. If Putin's motives really were implacably imperialist and expansionist, then there would be nothing to talk about. So those must not be his motives. If your starting point is that engagement is the answer, then it becomes tempting to define the problem to suit the solution, rather than vice versa. The danger is that you trap yourself in a giant circular argument with the following stages. Engagement is the answer. But the leader of the hostile state says that he's determined to rebuild his empire, invade his neighbours and overturn the entire global security order. Yes it's very worrying but he may not mean it, and even if he does we can still dissuade him. How and why? With engagement, because that is always the answer. Diplomats caught up in this way of thinking may be the last to realise the truth about a hostile dictator, even if he is proclaiming it to the world. They will want to believe that his future course is still an open question and engagement might yet divert him from the path of bloodshed and folly. They will struggle to see when the dictator's mind is made up and all that remains is to oppose him and ensure that he fails. The West has the collective power to thwart any expansionist regime, provided that it uses its leverage hard and early. But some of our diplomats will always prefer to advise against this. 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The Foreign Office disclosed on Friday that two Russian spies had been hacking Yulia Skripal's mobile phone as early as 2013. Britain responded to the Salisbury poisoning by expelling 23 Russian diplomats and urging our allies to follow suit, mounting a highly effective campaign which caused the removal of another 130 Russian officials by 29 countries and international organisations. At the time, this was the biggest coordinated expulsion of Russian diplomats in history. Our officials were genuinely outraged by the recklessness of what the Russians had done and the danger of mass civilian casualties. They raised the ceiling on the counter-measures they were prepared to recommend against Russia by several feet. But I noticed how they remained careful to draw limits. This became clear to me when I asked whether we should arm Ukraine? It seems incredible now but after Russia's first invasion in 2014, Britain and most of our allies decided not to supply Ukraine with weapons, imposing a de-facto arms embargo on the target of aggression which lasted right up until Putin was massing his forces for the second onslaught in 2022. And in 2018, with Theresa May as prime minister, I was briskly told that arming Ukraine was out of the question. Why? Because we would be on our own and there was no telling how Russia might react. Any weapons we might supply would make little difference anyway. Besides – and this was the decisive point – we still needed to keep our channels with the Russians open and such a drastic step would risk closing them, perhaps literally in the case of our embassy in Moscow. The irony is that less than four years later, once the full-scale invasion loomed, there was enough political will to override these objections and turn arming Ukraine into a central priority of British foreign policy. In January 2022, barely a month before the second invasion, Boris Johnson as prime minister dispatched 2,000 anti-tank missiles which were soon vital in the defence of Kyiv and Kharkiv, littering the streets and boulevards with the blackened carcasses of Russian armour. That consignment, delivered when no other state was publicly sending weapons, established Britain as Ukraine's strongest supporter and generated goodwill and influence which persist to this day. But suppose we had been arming Ukraine not for four weeks before the onslaught, but four years? Wouldn't Ukraine have been able to resist even more strongly and save lives by holding back the Russian advance? Wouldn't Britain have amassed yet more goodwill and diplomatic access? And what exactly was achieved by keeping our channels to the Russians open after the Salisbury poisonings? What did we gain by not supplying weapons to Ukraine? If that was the price of preserving engagement, it was surely not worth paying. 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Even before 2022, our diplomats were towards the hawkish end of Europe's spectrum on Russia. Whatever mistakes they made were committed on a greater scale by their colleagues from other European countries and by the US under President Obama's administration. But there is no avoiding the tragic reality that the West's collective effort to engage with Russia and 'keep channels open' ended in Europe's bloodiest war for 80 years. Surely it would have been better if we had all worried a lot less about engagement and got on with arming Ukraine straight after the first invasion in 2014? The results could hardly have been worse. Primary responsibility must of course rest with the politicians who were in charge and whose decisions the diplomats merely enacted. David Cameron and William Hague, the prime minister and foreign secretary respectively during the first invasion, must answer for Britain's response. But the politicians inevitably depend on expert advice from the professionals, particularly at moments of history when hostile states are amassing their power and becoming steadily more dangerous. Now, as we engage with China, we should learn from the searing experience of dealing with Putin's Russia. The main lesson is: never allow engagement to come at a price. If China poses a threat to Britain, then say so. If President Xi Jinping's rhetoric hardens and he escalates the pressure on Taiwan, then resist any temptation to refrain from drawing the obvious conclusion. If there is a list of Chinese companies that deserve to be sanctioned for supplying the invasion of Ukraine, go ahead and sanction them even if that might jeopardise the next 'dialogue' with China. But I can already spot warning signs. Turn to page 28 of this year's Defence Review and you will see Russia described as an 'immediate and pressing threat', while China is a 'sophisticated and persistent challenge'. The same passage describes Chinese technology as a 'leading challenge for the UK'. Why 'challenge'? Back in Private Office, I would try to keep that word out of the foreign secretary's speeches for the simple reason that 'challenge' is usually a euphemism for either 'problem' or 'threat'. Like other hostile states, China is anxious to police the language in which they are described. Have Xi's officials privately warned our diplomats against describing China as a 'threat'? Have they said that doing so would risk engagement and make it harder to improve bilateral relations? I don't know the answer. But it would be entirely in character for Chinese diplomats to threaten us about the consequences of calling them a threat. If so, we should reply that they have no right to try to dictate what we say in public, particularly as China self-evidently does pose a threat. Every Russian drone and ballistic missile that smashes into Kyiv is stuffed with Chinese systems and components, revealing how Putin's campaign to destroy Ukraine has always been underwritten by China. Those killer drones all have Chinese-made engines. In fact, just about every advanced conventional weapon in Putin's arsenal depends at some level on Chinese technology and industrial prowess. Russia's war machine is, in good measure, a creation of China. If Russia poses a threat to Britain, then China must too. Our ministers and officials should not allow their wish to engage to inhibit them from stating the obvious. In fairness, David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, described China as a 'sophisticated and persistent threat' in the Commons in June. But why did the Defence Review settle for the euphemism 'challenge'? None of this rules out engagement with hostile states. If there is a clear objective, backed by collective leverage, then we should go ahead. But we must do it without repeating the old mistakes. And self-censorship is where the error begins. Solve the daily Crossword

Howmet vs. General Dynamics: Which Aerospace & Defense Stock Should You Bet On?
Howmet vs. General Dynamics: Which Aerospace & Defense Stock Should You Bet On?

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Howmet vs. General Dynamics: Which Aerospace & Defense Stock Should You Bet On?

Howmet Aerospace Inc. HWM and General Dynamics Corporation GD are two prominent names operating in the aerospace and defense industry. As rivals, both companies are engaged in producing highly engineered aircraft components for commercial and military aircraft in the United States and companies have been enjoying significant growth opportunities in the aerospace and defense space on account of the improving air traffic trend and the expansionary U.S. budgetary policy in the past couple of years. But which one is a better investment today? Let's take a closer look at their fundamentals, growth prospects and challenges to make an informed choice. The Case for Howmet The strongest driver of Howmet's business at the moment is the commercial aerospace market. Persistent strength in air travel has been driving demand for wide-body aircraft, supporting continued OEM spending. Pickup in air travel has been positive for the company as the increased usage of aircraft spurs spending on parts and products that it provides. Revenues from the commercial aerospace market increased 9% year over year in first-quarter 2025, constituting 52% of its business. The sustained strength was attributed to new, more fuel-efficient aircraft with reduced carbon emissions and increased spare demand for the commercial aerospace market has remained a major driver for the company, the defense side of the industry has also been witnessing positive momentum, cushioned by steady government support. The company has been witnessing robust orders for engine spares for the F-35 program and spares and new builds for legacy the first quarter, revenues from the defense aerospace market increased 19% year over year, constituting 17% of the company's revenues. Improved budgetary provisions from the U.S. government set the stage for Howmet, focused on defense business, to win more contracts, which is likely to boost its top company also remains committed to increasing shareholder value through dividend payouts and share repurchases. In the first three months of the year, it paid dividends worth $42 million and repurchased shares for $125 million. In January 2025, the company hiked its quarterly dividend by 25% to 10 cents per share. Also, in July 2024, its board approved an increase in the share repurchase program by $2 billion to $2.487 billion of its common the positives, HWM has been subject to continued weakness in the commercial transportation market over the past few quarters. Demand in the commercial transportation markets served by the Forged Wheels segment is expected to remain soft till the second half of the year due to lower OEM builds. The Case for General Dynamics General Dynamics had an impressive backlog of $88.66 billion at the end of the first quarter of 2025, driven by a strong order inflow. The estimated contract value, which combines the total backlog with the potential contract value, totaled $141.33 billion at the end of the quarter. The strength of the order flow was driven by strong demand across the company's product and services from its well-established domestic market, the company enjoys significant overseas opportunities across multiple nations, particularly in Europe, for its Land Systems unit's products. In first-quarter 2025, it witnessed robust demand for its combat system products, with particular strength in U.S. fiscal budgets have played a key catalyst for the growth of General Dynamics' Marine Systems business. Notably, in May 2025, a White House report published that U.S. President Trump proposed an increase in the nation's defense spending (to $1.01 trillion) for fiscal 2026. This should bode well for GD with its strong presence in the defense shipbuilding the global supply-chain disorder plagued by disruptions, delays and shortages has impacted the company. Evidently, within its Aerospace business, supply-chain challenges forced GD to ramp up production in response to strong customer demand for its aircraft and caused out-of-sequence manufacturing. This resulted in increased costs and reduced operational efficiency for General Dynamics in Dynamics' highly leveraged balance sheet also remains concerning. Its long-term debt totaled $7.26 billion exiting first-quarter 2025, while its short-term debt was $2.35 billion. The company's cash and cash equivalents amounted to $1.24 billion, which were lower than both its short-term and long-term debt. Considering its debt profile, GD holds a weak solvency position. Price Performance In the past year, Howmet shares have soared 142%, while General Dynamics stock has gained 4.1%. Image Source: Zacks Investment Research The Zacks Consensus Estimate for HWM & GD The Zacks Consensus Estimate for HWM's 2025 sales and earnings per share (EPS) implies year-over-year growth of 8.7% and 29%, respectively. HWM's EPS estimates for both 2025 and 2026 have increased over the past 60 days. Image Source: Zacks Investment Research The Zacks Consensus Estimate for GD's 2025 sales and EPS implies year-over-year growth of 5.9% and 9.9%, respectively. GD's EPS estimates have been trending northward over the past 60 days for both 2025 and 2026. Image Source: Zacks Investment Research GD's Valuation Attractive Than Howmet General Dynamics is trading at a forward 12-month price-to-earnings ratio of 18.77X, above its median of 17.48X over the last three years. Howmet's forward earnings multiple sits at 49.21X, much higher than its median of 26.09X over the same time frame. Image Source: Zacks Investment Research Final Take General Dynamics' strength in the aerospace and defense markets has been dented by the continued supply-chain challenges arising from component shortages. The company's solid momentum in domestic and international markets adds to its strength. However, its high debt profile remains a contrast, Howmet's market leadership position and strength in both commercial and defense aerospace markets provide it with a competitive advantage to leverage the long-term demand prospects in the aerospace market. Despite its steeper valuation, HWM holds robust prospects due to strong estimates, stock price appreciation and better prospects for sales and profit these factors, HWM seems to be a better pick for investors than GD currently. While HWM currently carries a Zacks Rank #2 (Buy), GD has a Zacks Rank #3 (Hold). You can see the complete list of today's Zacks #1 Rank (Strong Buy) stocks here. Want the latest recommendations from Zacks Investment Research? Today, you can download 7 Best Stocks for the Next 30 Days. Click to get this free report General Dynamics Corporation (GD) : Free Stock Analysis Report Howmet Aerospace Inc. (HWM) : Free Stock Analysis Report This article originally published on Zacks Investment Research ( Zacks Investment Research Sign in to access your portfolio

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