Inside UK's huge £25m EV boost for Brits who don't have a drive
Brit electric vehicle (EV) owners are set to benefit from a huge new round of government funding that will improve access to home chargers for everyone — regardless of whether they have a driveway or not.
A new £63 million investment is set to accelerate Britain's EV revolution, taking a significant step in the switchover from internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles to electric. One of the central features of the initiative is a £25 million scheme for local authorities focused on improving access to at-home charging for households without off-street parking.
Through cross-pavement charging technology, cables will be routed safely beneath pavements to connect parked EVs to home electricity supplies. This tech enables families to tap into cheaper domestic electricity rates at around two pence per mile, potentially saving up to £1,500 a year compared to running an ICE vehicle.
The new initiative will build on the UK's ever-growing charging network, which has already reached 82,000 public charge points, with an additional 100,000 expected by 2030 through the government's Local EV Infrastructure Fund, as well as £6 billion of private investment. The NHS will also benefit from an £8 million fund aimed at upgrading over 200 medical sites to electric fleets.
Health Minister Karin Smyth branded the move a 'win-win' that will result in 'cheaper travel for the NHS and cleaner air for our communities'. More than 1,200 charging sockets are being rolled out with the aim of reducing emissions and generating long-term savings for the health service, in turn allowing these funds to be reinvested in patient care. Hospitals are expected to save millions on fuel and maintenance costs.
The government will also provide grants to help businesses nationwide install chargepoints at their depots. This move supports the transition of heavy goods vehicles, vans and coaches to zero-emission alternatives.
Another £400 million, as announced in the spending review, will be used to boost EV charging along strategic road networks to ensure the infrastructure keeps pace with demand, particularly for longer journeys. To help drivers locate charging points more easily, signage will also be improved on major A-roads, directing motorists to nearby EV hubs — these hubs have more than doubled since 2023.
Support from industry voices has been strong, with Edmund King of the AA saying: "There are more public chargers than people realise, but they are often hidden in plain sight. Increasing signs for the public network is vital to help the EV transition."
This investment is part of the government's Plan for Change, designed to accelerate the move to net zero, back British manufacturing and create greener jobs across the UK, all the while lowering transport costs for families.
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The National
2 hours ago
- The National
I pored over John Swinney's strategy – here's what we must do now
Swinney started with a declaration of intent: 'Scotland's interests are best served only when Scotland's future is in Scotland's hands. Our nation will only fully flourish when the people of Scotland are in charge of our own destiny with independence.' He then went on to make his own personal case, arguing that he had 'steadied the ship', and that he had been able to 'restore the credibility of my party and my Government so that we could make – and importantly win – the argument for Scottish independence'. Looking at the polls, this is largely true, and Swinney is right to make the claim that under his leadership the SNP, over the past 12 months, have won 13 local government by-elections – a big shift after a 20-month period without a single victory. However, the irony is that they have achieved this by attempting to tackle the cost of living crisis, rather than focusing on independence. Swinney is right to assert the claim that: 'We restored Winter Fuel Payments for Scotland's pensioners when Labour chose to scrap them. We are taking bold action on child poverty by lifting the cruel two-child cap that pushes thousands of children into poverty – a decision which been welcomed by every anti-poverty charity in the country and which Labour, to their shame, have failed to take at a UK level.' But on other matters, the SNP's claims to be 'tackling the cost of living crisis' seem a lot weaker. For example, Swinney claims that: 'We are offering solutions to the ongoing cost of living crisis – with new policies such as the removal of peak fares on our railways. Our cost of living guarantee delivers savings for Scots that aren't available elsewhere. From council tax that is 30% lower than in England, or water bills 20% lower, or no charges for essentials like prescriptions.' But the big-ticket items, like housing and energy bills, are absent, and only this month the SNP missed a huge opportunity to back zonal energy pricing. The SNP's housing policy has made no dent in the massive urban and rural housing crisis. Swinney has steadied the ship but it is still taking water, and the sextant, compass and maps are all gone. But the point of all of this is to manage a range of constituencies, tribes and demographics, to ensure electoral survival and persuade people that, somehow, the SNP are still the only show in town and the best vehicle to achieve independence, and/or govern a pre-independent Scotland more competently than anyone else. In some ways, this is an impossible task. In other ways, this is a low bar. On the one hand, Swinney needs to manage this transition while operating within the fiscal restraints of devolution, with an overwhelmingly hostile media around him and with severe and vocal dissent from within the nationalist movement. This makes the task one that is just immersed in hostility and negativity. On the other hand, he is faced with opponents and opposition so abject and hopeless that it makes the SNP rise, Lazarus-like, over and over. Swinney has a dual task: to speak to those who want (and need) good governance and those who want movement-building. He is far better at the first than the second. His strategy, such as it is, is broadly to (re) build trust, then build an unstoppable coalition amid the rubble and decay of the debris of Late Britain for an independent Scotland. I would like to take this opportunity to examine this approach and evaluate its strengths and weaknesses. Building a Coalition for Yes TO his credit, Swinney shows some humility saying: 'Our renewed unity and sense of purpose is clear for all to see, and that too is giving people confidence once again in the [[SNP]], as the leading advocates of Scottish independence. Some good and necessary first steps have been taken, but they have only brought us to the starting line.' Rather grandly, he writes: 'We are on the precipice of a new global age and that demands a bold new path for Scotland.' I don't really know what that actually means? Speaking to the opposition, he writes: 'Others speak glibly of a new direction or for the need for reform, but the change Scotland needs is more fundamental', before declaring: 'To meet the challenges of this new age, we need a Scotland that is reborn.' We do. He continues to lay out his case, arguing: 'Last time, many people gave the UK the benefit of the doubt, many believing that an incoming Labour government might put things right. But an incoming Labour government has only made things worse. 'The evidence is staring us in the face: Westminster is not working for Scotland. Life is just too difficult for too many and the UK is incapable of providing the required, essential boost to living standards.' This is self-evident, though worth re-stating, but this is where the cracks in the argument begin to emerge. At no point in this new declaration do the SNP show the intent, the resolve or the track record to offer a genuinely radical economic alternative to the neoliberalism of Labour/Conservative rule. What they have shown is some ameliorative polices to try to counter the most regressive impact of being in the Union. But that's not enough. Without many specifics, Swinney argues: 'It's therefore time for the people of Scotland to take our future into our own hands, so that we can ensure our vast energy wealth delivers tangible benefits for our people, including lower household energy bills and a more competitive business environment. So that we can create a dynamic, internationally connected economy, ensuring opportunities for all in an economy that works for all.' This is, in the words of Jonathon Shafi, 'Word Soup'. Having set out his stall, the First Minister then attempts to lay out his pathway to independence. He says: 'We have to challenge the democratic outrage that Westminster – right now – refuses to acknowledge Scotland's right to determine her own future. 'We demonstrated in 2014 that an agreed democratic referendum is the correct means to bring about that independence. And have no doubt, such a democratic, constitutional approach is necessary if our independence is to achieve domestic and international legitimacy. Something that is essential if we are to receive international recognition and a smooth return to membership of the EU.' These words, this plan, are the dividing line between those in the Yes movement, who want a new plan, a new direction, and Swinney's calculation that this is the route to take the majority of Scotland with him. The Plan SWINNEY lays out his ideas very clearly, saying: 'First, it will be a campaign designed to build the highest levels of support possible for independence as the best future for Scotland. 'I will be saying to those who voted Yes in 2014, and who have become independence supporters in the years since, that what they believed in then is just as valid today. 'They saw that Britain was fundamentally broken, that Westminster couldn't deliver on their dreams and aspirations, and what they saw has come to pass. And now it is time to do something about it. 'But I will also be urging people who were not persuaded of the merits of independence in 2014 to see the state of Britain today and take a different view.' This is all good and shouldn't be disputed by anybody. Who doesn't want to build mass support for independence? The problem, as we'll go on to in a moment, is the lack of detail, ideas or strategy on how to make that happen and to navigate the many contradictions and challenges that it entails. He continues: 'Second, that means building public pressure around Scotland's fundamental national rights. The UK parties speak of a partnership of equals, but those are empty words if Scotland does not have the ability to determine her own future. 'We are ready to turn the heat up on Westminster and its anti-democratic stance, mobilising the support, energy and the impetus of people in Scotland behind the simple idea: no ifs, no buts, Scotland has the right to choose.' This is good, and he's quite right to lay out the basic anti-democratic nature of the British state's 'offering' to Scotland. But again, the problem is the lack of detail, ideas or strategy. There may be more to come but if there was, why not lay it out here? Finally , the First Minister concludes: 'And third, I want to persuade independence supporters that the way to deliver independence is only with an emphatic SNP win in 2026 and the priority is to do that now. History tells us that only when the SNP are doing well is there any prospect of advancing on Scotland's constitutional cause. 'During the next parliament, we reach the point where there will be one million people eligible to vote who, last time around, were too young to do so or not even born. A generation has now clearly passed. 'It's time for the one change that will actually make a difference for Scotland, for the fresh start our nation needs so badly. It's time for Scotland to craft her destiny by ensuring Scotland's future is in the hands of the people of Scotland.' To be fair, framing the SNP as a 'fresh start' after 18 years in power is pretty gallus, but there is something among all of this which shines out, and which could be the centrepoint of a more dynamic strategy. Future Focused MUCH of the dismay about being trapped within the Union is the overwhelming sense of decay and decline that pervades late Britain. If this feeling reached its apogee at the death of the monarch, it can be seen daily in the appointment of ridiculous people to the House of Lords, the overarching power of the government within [[Westminster]] (as witnessed by the actions of Keir Starmer's whips' office against his own party last week) or the immersive deference inculcated by being subjects of a monarch in the 21st century. The feeling of being trapped in an ancient regime that is unreformable and corrupt at its core is overwhelming and debilitating. Beyond this fusion of cronyism and decay, though, is the reality of collapsing living standards, grotesque social inequality and elite grandeur. The response is a populist movement of the far-right that eulogises a mythical past. In among the platitudes and the normcore of Swinney's 'plan', there is an opportunity to really contrast this backward-looking Ruritania, this Britain of fossils and past-glories and relics of Empire. Countless commentators have remarked on how difficult it has become for anyone to 'imagine a better future' in timelines that seem dark and economic systems that seem all-pervasive. There is a glaring opportunity for the case to be made for a new Scotland to really address the multiple problems facing not just young people but future generations – and for this case to be made by framing Scottish independence as a future-facing project in stark contrast to broken Britain. What would that look like? It would mean really taking on the multiple problems faced by younger (and future) generations, which have been a dark inheritance passed on to them. A mammoth, impossible task? Yes, but one worth trying. Where to start? I would start with the crisis of affordable housing which is life-altering for millions of people. I would face the existential crisis of climate breakdown and create deep and radical action plans that would give hope and meaning for a liveable future. I would create the outline of what an 'ethical foreign policy' (to use Robin Cook's words) would look like for a future Scotland. I would begin to meaningfully address the crisis of social alienation and the epidemic of loneliness and mental health that has spooled out of lockdown, late capitalist anomie and digital culture, and particularly affects younger people. If these seem ridiculous, impossible or utopian ideas, that's OK. In such dark times, we need to imagine a better future beyond the confines of today. As the political philosopher Murray Bookchin said: 'The assumption that what currently exists must necessarily exist is the acid that corrodes all visionary thinking.' Framing an independent Scotland as a project for future generations would be a reset for the entire independence movement, and would require a complete overhaul of thinking. But somehow, somewhat improbably, Swinney has stumbled on an idea: "During the next parliament, we reach the point where there will be one million people eligible to vote who, last time around, were too young to do so or not even born. A generation has now clearly passed.' This has two consequences. First, we begin to sweep aside the fragile excuse that the Unionist community has hidden behind for repressing basic democracy in holding up the phrase 'for a generation' and assert that that time has passed. Second, we go to, engage with and inspire the generation that are now eligible to vote, and who are overwhelmingly pro-independence. To do this properly, and to begin to explore the generational issues I touched on, would require a break from 2014 and an effort to re-imagine the case for independence in a much more expansive timeframe. This wouldn't be another 'campaign' with slogans and attack lines, it wouldn't be a politics of resentment, it would be a politics of imagination and possibility. That Britain is in a morbid state is plain for anyone to see, but that must be contrasted with a movement that offers not just a constitutional off-ramp but an alternative to the politics of fear and resentment that activates the populist right. In this sense, we need to rethink the case for independence and recast it entirely. In the words of Marshall McLuhan: 'Most of our assumptions have outlived their uselessness.' Remaining in this Union means being engaged in the 'slow cancellation of the future'. For Scotland to be 'reborn' demands that we step out of that paradigm and away from the hyper-nostalgia and denialism that characterises the most regressive elements of British and American nationalism.
Glasgow Times
3 hours ago
- Glasgow Times
Domino's launch Domidog K9 robot to deliver pizzas on beach
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Leader Live
3 hours ago
- Leader Live
Domino's launch Domidog K9 robot to deliver pizzas on beach
Although the pizza pup won't replace traditional drivers, the prototype is being launched this summer to protect against swarms of seagulls who swoop on food at seaside hotspots. The brand designed the fun robot pooch alongside research, which put seagulls in the top 10 things that bother Brits the most at the beach. It emerged that one in three admit they have fallen foul of the boisterous birds who circle the skies and swoop for food, according to 1,500 polled who visit the seaside. Meanwhile, 59% wish there were a way to easily protect their snacks from seagulls when at the seaside. Izzy Gardener from Domino's said: 'Seagulls have claimed too many seaside snacks, and it's time we did something about it. 'We're always exploring new and innovative ways to keep your pizza as hot and fresh as possible on its delivery journey. 'That's why we're trailing Domidog this summer: a tech-driven answer to an age-old beach problem.' Before turning pizza pup, the Boston Dynamics robot has proven its capabilities: supporting search and rescue operations, assisting bomb squads and advancing robotics research in human-robot interaction. What annoys you the most when visiting the beach? (Image: Joe Pepler/PinPep) Now, it's putting those same advanced systems to work on a new mission - guarding your pizza from airborne snack thieves. Complete with a hi-tech spec, it can autonomously navigate its environment using onboard sensors, stereo cameras, and advanced localisation technology. Other features like 360 degree perception also help it to effortlessly avoid obstacles while delivering. From the research, when asked what grated their gears most about the greedy gulls, stealing food (61%) naturally topped the list, followed by their aggressive behaviour (50%). With one in 10 going as far as to say the badly behaved birds have damaged their property, while 19% claim they'd scared small children, according to the data. Additionally, limited toilets (40%), big crowds (37%), and unruly dogs not on leads (17%) also made the top 10 list. Recommended reading: I tested the Aldi robot vacuum against Amazon's top-rated Ultenic - I'm in love Tesco shopper discovers secret hack to get free items with your food shop Aldi expert reveals 5 fridge storage hacks to make food last (and save money) Izzy added: 'Thanks to this prototype, seaside visitors will have a sure-fire way to keep slices safe and secure at the seaside – without them heading off into the sky.'
