
China push: In Nepal, EVs now account for 76% of all vehicles sold
For its more than 3 million residents, just getting around is a dangerous, eye-stinging ordeal.
But recently, a new kind of motor has started to ease the crush. Sleek electric vehicles glide by with a quiet hum. Gleaming showrooms do a brisk business in the latest models, and charging stations on highways have turned into rest stops with cafes for drivers. Over the past year, EVs accounted for 76% of all passenger vehicles and half of the light commercial vehicles sold in Nepal.
Five years ago, that number was essentially zero.
The EV market share in Nepal is now behind only those of a few countries, including Norway, Singapore and Ethiopia. The average for all countries was 20% in 2024.
The swift turnover is the result of govt policies aimed at leveraging Nepal's wealth of hydropower, easing dependence on imported fossil fuels and clearing the smog. It has been fed by an intense push from Nepal's biggest neighbour, China, world's dominant manufacturer of battery-powered vehicles.
"For us, using EVs is a comparative advantage," said Mahesh Bhattarai, DG of Nepal's department of customs. "In the global market, Chinese EVs are expanding. The same is happening in Nepal." The effort stands in contrast to policies in the US and Europe, which have blocked Chinese EVs to protect their domestic auto industries. And it carries hope for other developing countries that seek to become wealthier without enduring the crucible of pollution from which many rich nations have already emerged.
"We're interested in making sure this rapid growth in these emerging markets doesn't follow the same trajectory as developed markets," said the head of sustainable transportation for UN Environment Programme. But as Nepal has learned, there are obstacles. The country has spent heavily on subsidies, and getting rid of the support too quickly could derail the shift to battery power. Even if gas-powered passenger cars are phased out, cleaning the air will require public transportation to go electric as well.
Asian Development Bank has been a key financier of Nepal's dams, transmission lines and charging networks. The head of ADB's resident mission in Nepa is cautious about the risk of backsliding. "Given the economic sense this EV conversion represents, I think I would see it as unlikely that we would have major policy change."
Businesses and advocates are, however, concerned Nepal may already be backing off its commitment to the transition. It has had three PMs in past five years, and priorities have shifted with each of them. Nepal's central bank doubled down-payment requirements for EVs. Govt has been inching up its tariffs on EVs. And auto dealers worry faulty cars from some smaller Chinese brands could discredit the category. Rajan Babu Shrestha holds the licence to distribute cars in Nepal from Tata Motors.
He has seen sales skyrocket on his EVs, but he could go back to selling gas-powered vehicles if tariffs rose or subsidies for charging stations went away. "Stability is always a question mark."
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


India.com
4 minutes ago
- India.com
Trump's Tariffs, Xi's Handshake And Putin's Pipeline – What PM Modi Hopes To Gain At SCO Summit In China
New Delhi: With Washington's tariff hammer falling hard and regional diplomacy entering a turbulent stretch, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is heading to China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit. It will mark his first visit to the country since the deadly 2020 Galwan Valley clash. Scheduled for August 31 to September 1 in the northern port city of Tianjin, the visit comes at a delicate moment. Not only is India navigating fallout from stiff new trade duties imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump, but it is also facing scrutiny over its oil imports from Russia. Modi's presence at the SCO summit is being seen by many as an attempt to recalibrate India's strategic posture, especially as tensions with the West rise and ties with Beijing show signs of cautious repair. This is the prime minister's first trip to China in five years. While he last set foot on Chinese soil in 2019, he did meet President Xi Jinping briefly during the BRICS summit held in Kazan in October 2024. That interaction helped ease the freeze in high-level dialogue and set the stage for ongoing border talks. It also helped the reopening of the Kailash-Mansarovar Yatra, a symbolic step toward thawing relations. But trust remains fragile. India's decision to attend the SCO summit also comes just weeks after Defence Minister Rajnath Singh refused to sign a joint statement at a key SCO defence meet. The reason was omission of any mention of the April 22 terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Pahalgam, which left 26 dead, in the statement. Instead, the final document inserted a reference to Balochistan that was widely seen as a move pushed by Pakistan to paint India as a regional destabiliser. The omission did not go unnoticed in New Delhi. According to Indian officials, the document appeared tilted, with no acknowledgment of the human cost of the Pahalgam killings. However, in a surprise move the following month, China issued a strongly worded statement condemning the attack. It came after the United States officially designated The Resistance Front, a Lashkar-e-Taiba offshoot, as a foreign terrorist organisation. Beijing's reaction reflected a shift in tone, even if not in alignment. 'China firmly opposes all forms of terrorism and strongly condemns the terrorist attack that occurred on April 22... China calls on regional countries to enhance counterterrorism cooperation and jointly maintain regional security and stability,' said Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian in a statement that caught diplomatic watchers off guard. Against this backdrop, PM Modi's China visit could carry more weight than just optics. Talks at the SCO will include 10 member countries: India, China, Russia, Pakistan, Iran, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The agenda includes counterterrorism, regional security and trade. With the United States hiking tariff pressure, there is growing speculation that New Delhi may be rebalancing (less reliant on the West and more open to multilateral blocs with Beijing and Moscow in the room). There is also the likelihood of side meetings between Modi, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping, adding geopolitical heft to the summit. Founded in 2001, the SCO has evolved from a regional security bloc to a broader platform for economic and strategic cooperation. But this year's gathering comes with unusual undertones: a terror attack still unresolved, trade wars intensifying and major powers reshuffling their alliances. For India, more than being a summit, the SCO is a test of how far it can stretch its strategic space between a China that shares a tense border, a Russia that supplies its oil and a United States that is tightening the screws on both.


Indian Express
34 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Trump doubles tariffs on India to 50%, but offers 21 days window for negotiations
Ramping up pressure on India before US negotiators are expected to reach India on August 25, US President Donald Trump on Wednesday doubled the tariffs on India to 50 per cent, but there is a 21-day window before the additional tariff of 25 per cent comes into effect, offering India a window to strike a trade deal. A White House statement said that the US will impose 'additional 25 percent ad valorem duty' above the 25 per cent reciprocal tariffs announced on August 1 to 'deal with the national emergency stemming from Russia's actions in Ukraine'. This tariff is deemed necessary and appropriate due to India's 'direct or indirect import of Russian Federation oil', which the President judges will more effectively address the national emergency, the executive order said. The additional tariffs dramatically raises pressure on India as most of its competitors such as Vietnam, Bangladesh and now China are not at lower tariffs. However, exporters said that US tariffs related uncertainty is already disrupting trade and that Indian exporters have grown wary of exporting to the US. About half of India's total exports of $80 billion are, however, in the exemption list that include products such as pharma and electronics goods. While the fresh order takes the total US tariffs to its highest on any country globally, it also offers a fresh window for discussion. The Indian Express had reported on Saturday that key economic ministries have been asked for inputs to sweeten the US trade deal stuck on India's resistance to US demand for access in the Indian agri market. 'This 25 percent ad valorem duty will be effective for goods entered for consumption, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time 21 days after the date of the order. There are exceptions for goods that were loaded onto a vessel and in transit before this effective date and are entered for consumption or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption before 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on September 17, 2025,' the order read. NEW: President Donald J. Trump just signed an Executive Order imposing an additional 25% tariff on India in response to its continued purchase of Russian oil. Here is the text of the Order: By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the… — Rapid Response 47 (@RapidResponse47) August 6, 2025 While New Delhi has called the targeting of India over the purchase of Russian oil 'unjustified and unreasonable' and vowed to take 'all necessary measures' to safeguard its 'national interests and economic security', Indian exporters are in a fix, scrambling to retain access to the US — their most valuable export market, accounting for nearly 20 per cent of India's total outbound shipments. Incidentally, China is the largest buyer of Russian oil, at about 2 million barrels per day, followed by India (just under 2 million a day) and Turkey. The US had agreed to lower tariffs on Chinese goods to 30 per cent from 145 per cent in May. The executive order does not make a mention of China, but instead stipulates a mechanism wherein the US Secretary of Commerce, in coordination with other senior officials, 'will monitor if any other country (beyond India) is directly or indirectly importing Russian Federation oil and recommend further action'. Indian officials have indicated that the US is unwilling to negotiate sectoral tariffs — such as those on steel and automobiles — which have already impacted nearly $5 billion worth of Indian exports. Evan A. Feigenbaum, Vice President for Studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, said on Monday that US-India relations may now become a political football, especially in New Delhi. He warned that the core understandings that enabled closer ties may be at serious risk, as New Delhi had largely assumed Washington would take political risks to strengthen the relationship — something Trump has not done and clearly will not do. Feigenbaum added that the split in relations is further underscored by Trump's effusive praise for Islamabad and recent engagement with Pakistan's army and government — developments that raise obvious concerns in New Delhi. 'The United States was roiled by India's ties to Iran, Myanmar, and later Russia. Trump and his administration are now moving to sanction and tariff India over its oil trade with Russia. This significantly shifts the bar for bilateral relations,' he said. Ravi Dutta Mishra is a Principal Correspondent with The Indian Express, covering policy issues related to trade, commerce, and banking. He has over five years of experience and has previously worked with Mint, CNBC-TV18, and other news outlets. ... Read More
&w=3840&q=100)

Business Standard
40 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Amid US strain, PM Narendra Modi set to visit China after 7 years
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is set to travel to China at the end of this month — his first visit to the country in seven years — to attend the annual summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), government sources said on Wednesday. Ahead of his arrival in China, Modi is slated to visit Japan on August 29. A bilateral meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the SCO summit is also being planned, the sources said. While the government has yet to confirm such a meeting, it would likely attract global attention amid heightened tensions in both India–US and US–China relations, following the imposition of tariffs by American President Donald Trump. Ahead of Modi's trip, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi is expected to visit India for the latest round of the Special Representatives dialogue on the boundary question, according to officials. On Wednesday, Trump followed through on his warning to impose an additional 25 per cent tariff on Indian goods, citing New Delhi's continued purchase of Russian oil. The move raises the total US tariff on Indian imports to 50 per cent. Meanwhile, Russian President Vladimir Putin is also expected to attend the SCO summit, which is due to take place in the Chinese city of Tianjin from August 31 to September 1. India, China and Russia are not only members of the SCO but also of BRICS, which held its latest summit in Rio de Janeiro in July. Both Xi and Putin were absent from that gathering, sending deputies in their place. Sources in New Delhi have not ruled out a possible Modi–Putin meeting on the sidelines of the Tianjin summit. Ahead of the SCO, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar are scheduled to travel to Moscow. At the Rio summit, BRICS nations voiced concern over the rise in unilateral tariff and non-tariff measures that distort global trade and run counter to World Trade Organization rules, though the US was not named directly. In March, as Washington escalated tariffs on Chinese imports, Wang Yi called for stronger cooperation between New Delhi and Beijing to push back against 'hegemonism and power politics', stating that 'making the dragon and elephant dance is the only choice'. On April 1, marking the 75th anniversary of India–China diplomatic ties, Xi sent a message to President Droupadi Murmu, saying the two nations should aim for 'a cooperative pas de deux of the dragon and the elephant'. Modi and Xi last met on October 23, 2024, on the sidelines of the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia. The encounter marked a thaw in relations after the severe deterioration triggered by the Galwan Valley clash between Indian and Chinese troops in June 2020. The Kazan meeting led to disengagement at two key friction points along the Line of Actual Control, completed by November 2024. It also paved the way for the resumption of the Mansarovar Yatra, tourist visas for Chinese citizens, and discussions on reviving direct flights. Nevertheless, relations between the two countries have remained bumpy in recent months. In April, India raised concerns over Chinese restrictions on the supply of rare earth elements. A month later, it said Beijing provided military assistance to Pakistan during 'Operation Sindoor', India's offensive to dismantle terrorist infrastructure across the border. According to Indian officials, Pakistan deployed Chinese weapons and drones, and benefited from Chinese intelligence during the conflict. India has also been working to deepen ties with several of China's neighbours. On Tuesday, India and the Philippines signed agreements aimed at enhancing military cooperation. Their navies also conducted joint exercises near Scarborough Shoal, an atoll in the South China Sea that is the focal point of a maritime dispute between Beijing and Manila. Modi last visited China in June 2018 for the SCO summit, while Xi last visited India in October 2019. In the run-up to the Tianjin summit, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Jaishankar, and Doval had all visited China for preparatory SCO meetings. The two sides have also revived the Special Representatives dialogue and other engagement mechanisms. Pakistan, too, is a member of the SCO. In June, Singh refused to endorse a draft joint statement by the bloc's defence ministers, citing its failure to mention the Pahalgam terror attack and omission of references to Pakistan-backed cross-border terrorism.