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‘We tried to free our children, Putin used them as poker chips'

‘We tried to free our children, Putin used them as poker chips'

Times4 days ago
Flanked by men in dark suits, Daria Zarivna was nervous. The stakes could hardly have been higher for her and the rest of the Ukrainian negotiating team as they sat down opposite their American counterparts. Their aim was to save an alliance, and, ultimately, the lives of their countrymen.
While President Trump's shift from appearing to support President Putin to announcing additional weapons for Ukraine this week may seem abrupt, Zarivna can testify how the seeds were sown on a spring day in Jeddah four months ago.
On March 11, days after President Zelensky was humiliated in an Oval Office shouting match with Trump, Zarivna, an adviser to Andriy Yermak, the Ukrainian leader's chief of staff, joined the rest of the Kyiv delegation in Saudi Arabia. 'We were preparing hard, day and night. We were all focused. We had no idea how it would go,' she said.
Somehow, the Ukrainians had to find common ground with a White House team that seemed to have started parroting Kremlin propaganda. There was one topic that Zarivna hoped it would be hard for them to disagree about — ­returning abducted children to their families.
Nonetheless she was relieved when Marco Rubio, the US secretary of state, started speaking: 'The conversation was constructive from the outset. When Secretary Rubio raised the issue, and when he shared facts from my message box, that was a great feeling, and I realised he was deeply across the details,' she recalled.
The Kremlin has removed at least 19,546 Ukrainian children from their families for re-education as Russians according to Kyiv, a war crime that has prompted the International Criminal Court to issue an arrest warrant for Putin. Of those taken, only 1,399 have been returned to Ukraine, through volunteers or relatives travelling vast distances, or in agreements brokered by third countries such as South Africa, Qatar or the Vatican.'
The March US-Ukraine summit in Saudi Arabia concluded with a brief statement proposing an immediate 30-day ceasefire to Moscow. It also included a commitment to the 'return of forcibly transferred Ukrainian children'. That commitment, the Ukrainian officials thought, could eventually become a test for Putin, and one way to prove to the Americans that Moscow had no interest in peace.
• Ukraine hands Russia list of kidnapped children at peace talks
During the Istanbul peace talks between the two warring sides last month, the Ukrainian delegation gave their Kremlin counterparts a list of 339 Ukrainian children being held in Russia, Zarivna said. 'It wasn't a full list. It was a test… a small first step,' she said. 'It was a way to see whether Russia is truly prepared to begin the process of returning Ukrainian children.'
In public, Russia denied that any of the 339 children had been abducted. But privately, the Russian side 'suggested swapping [the children] like poker chips for Russian prisoners of war,' Zarivna said.The idea of trading children was as abhorrent for the Americans as the Ukrainians, she said, and slowly the Trump administration began to understand the nature of Putin's regime.
Following the failed talks in Istanbul, Zarivna visited Washington, taking the issue to Congress and persuading both the House and the Senate to introduce bipartisan resolutions calling for the unconditional return of Ukrainian children. 'Our position is clear: we will not trade children for territory, infrastructure or political concessions. Ever. To do so would only encourage more abductions,' Zarivna said.
Zarivna insists she never meant to go into politics, but her clout has grown as Zelensky leans more on Yermak. The two men are accused by opposition figures of monopolising power under martial law at the expense of the country's democratic checks and balances, orchestrating the sacking, sanctioning and arrest of rivals.
In a government dominated by the presidential office, Zarivna's influence now extends beyond the ear of Yermak to that of Olena Zelenska, the first lady, with whom she works closely on Bring Kids Back UA, a presidential initiative she runs with the aim of orchestrating the children's return.
Over coffee in a Kyiv café, Zarivna batted back a playful suggestion made to The Times by Yulia Svyrydenko, Ukraine's new prime minister, that it is Zarivna who is the most powerful woman in Ukraine.
'I'm not interested in power. I'm interested in creating and I'm interested in building,' the adviser said. 'As soon as you become a political player or political stakeholder, then you have all of these games which I don't want to spend my time on. I like to build a process, find the right people and go on to the next task. This is what drives me. '
Coming from a media and advertising background, Zarivna has been labelled the chief spin doctor, even a propagandist. She has been accused of running Vertikal, a Telegram channel that smears Zelensky's rivals, a charge she flatly denies. Yet it is clear Zarivna believes in the administration and its work. In November 2022, after the liberation of her home town, Kherson, she was filmed close to tears behind Zelensky as the Ukrainian flag was raised again in the city square.
• No peace until you return our children, Ukraine tells Putin
'It was one of the best moments of my life. Like when you lost someone who mattered to you, then you managed to return them. I remember all these people came to this main area in Kherson, and they were all so happy and crying. Of course they didn't know then that the drone safari is coming,' she said, referring to Russian drone operators hunting civilians in the streets and posting the videos online, killing a year-old baby there last week.
Neighbours 'just disappeared' during the occupation, she says, and Russian troops billeted themselves in her family home, burning mementos from her childhood for firewood. Her grandmother, who stayed behind, emerged from occupation traumatised.
In the early days of the war, when Zelensky was pleading with parliaments around the world for support by invoking their own troubled times, Zarivna was involved in the team helping to write his speeches. The process is always driven by the president, she says, but the former comedian still needs an audience. 'He needs somebody to talk to because when he verbalises something, he generates all these great phrases and aphorisms,' she added. 'All the memorable quotes come from him. He's great at finding something in common with people, he's very empathetic.'
Her immediate boss, Yermak, complements Zelensky because he prioritises progress over popularity, she said. 'Public image is always a challenge. It's the nature of that job. You can be effective and get things done, or you can be universally liked, but it's almost impossible to be both,' she said.
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‘I was the Trump team': how the Podcast Election was won
‘I was the Trump team': how the Podcast Election was won

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‘I was the Trump team': how the Podcast Election was won

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'I think she's a good person,' he says, adding that she's got the issues right but is in a tough position. 'The party that she leads now was led by imbeciles before.' On the Reform leader Nigel Farage, he says: 'He's probably the best in the UK and my advice to him has been to make sure you use your momentum and your platform to build up the voices of the next generation because he's not going to be hot for ever.' It all started with a tweet Bruesewitz's career started in April 2015 when he was 18 years old. He was sitting at his high school desk in the Wisconsin town of Ripon (population 7,900), 'and I posted a picture of the Trump Hotel in Chicago,' he says. 'And I said, 'the sign on Trump Chicago would look just as good on the White House'. And the president, then businessman Donald Trump, retweeted me.' Two months later, Trump announced his candidacy. 'And when he announced that he was running, I was sold already. I wanted to be like Donald Trump.' After high school, Bruesewitz skipped college and tried his hand at real estate, having admired the empire Trump had built. 'I didn't do so well in that,' he concedes. Trump's election in 2016 inspired Bruesewitz and his business partner Derek Utley to form X Strategies a year later. Their early clients included FreedomProject Academy, a Christian conservative homeschooling academy in central Wisconsin, and a father who lost his daughter in the Parkland school shooting in 2018. Utley and Bruesewitz represented the latter pro bono as he argued for more school security rather than fewer guns. Then came the 2020 election and Trump's claims of election fraud. Bruesewitz leapt to his defence on social media and made a speech in Washington's Freedom Plaza. When the BBC invited Bruesewitz on air, he argued with the presenter. 'Thank you for having me on,' he said, 'and I just want to make one thing very clear … your country's opinion stopped mattering in our country in 1776.' His sparring eventually got Donald Trump Jr's attention. 'He liked my tenacity online,' Bruesewitz says. 'He found me to be quite entertaining.' The two became friends and Don Jr introduced Bruesewitz to his father. 'I got to spend quality time with the president for the first time at a live golf tournament at his club in New Jersey,' he tells me. 'I ended up spending four and a half hours with the president that day.' They spoke about 'all things' — not just politics. 'And we've had a great relationship ever since.' After that, Bruesewitz poured his energy into attacking Republicans who had backed Trump's impeachment — not as an official Trump appointee but out of 'sheer patriotism and love of nation'. Eight out of ten of those Republicans either declined to stand in 2022 or lost their primary. 'We travelled [around] their campaign districts,' Bruesewitz says. 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'And then about four or five days passed, and he kept texting me or calling me about how great that interview was.' Not long afterwards, Bruesewitz was called into the office of Susie Wiles, who helped manage Trump's election campaign and is now White House chief of staff. 'She's like, 'Alex, we've got to get him to do more of these.'' After that, they went all in. 'We lined them up, one major podcast a week, up until we did Rogan, which was like a week before the election,' Bruesewitz says. The appearance on The Joe Rogan Experience, the most popular podcast in the US, garnered more than 44 million views on YouTube by election day, allowing Trump to reach young, predominantly male voters, opining on topics such as martial arts, the possibility of life on Mars, and his admiration for William McKinley, the president who was assassinated in 1901. When I ask how Bruesewitz decided which podcasts Trump should do, he shrugs. 'I mean, I just went through something called Spotify and Spotify rankings. And I think we did eight of the ten podcasts on Spotify that were popular.' There was one conspicuous exception, however. Trump avoided Alex Cooper's Call Her Daddy, one of the most popular podcasts among young American women. Cooper, the 30-year-old host of the show, is beloved by her 'Daddy Gang' — some 70 per cent of whom are female, with 76 per cent under 35. In October Kamala Harris appeared on the podcast, discussing women's rights and abortion. Cooper later said her team had a Zoom call with Trump's team about the possibility of him appearing. Bruesewitz says that's not true. 'I was President Trump's team,' Bruesewitz says. 'I never had a conversation with Alex Cooper about going on the podcast. Her team reached out to me. We never responded. I would never put the president on Call Her Daddy.' Why not? 'Because one, she's terrible, she's terrible at what she does. I think personally. 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Iran could hold nuclear talks with European powers next week, Tasnim reports
Iran could hold nuclear talks with European powers next week, Tasnim reports

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Bipartisan government funding is at risk of dying in Trump's Washington
Bipartisan government funding is at risk of dying in Trump's Washington

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Bipartisan government funding is at risk of dying in Trump's Washington

WASHINGTON — For many years, final decisions over how much the U.S. government spends, and how, have required sign-off from leaders of both parties, no matter who controlled the White House or Capitol Hill or the level of polarization. Now, that last vestige of the bipartisan funding process is at risk of dying after a one-two punch by President Donald Trump and the Republican-led Congress. The 'appropriations' process, whereby both parties pass detailed funding bills for various federal agencies every year, has been in a slow decline for decades. But recent moves by the Trump-era GOP to disrupt past funding agreements have accelerated that decline — and, in the view of Democrats and even some weary Republicans, undermined Congress' power of the purse in deference to the White House. First, Republicans passed a $300 billion hike in military spending and immigration enforcement as part of Trump's megabill; and second, they cut $9 billion in domestic money and foreign aid under a rarely used 'rescission' process, allowing the GOP to cancel already approved bipartisan spending with a party-line vote. A Sept. 30 deadline to fund the government or risk a shutdown will test whether a bipartisan deal is still possible, particularly as Trump's top budget aide publicly calls for a more partisan approach. House Republicans have undermined the bipartisan path for years by slamming the resulting deals as 'swamp' creations by a 'uniparty' that is addicted to spending. Now, GOP lawmakers in both chambers are going it alone, suggesting they'll bring more rescissions packages to undo past bipartisan spending agreements because the existing process is failing. 'We don't have an appropriations process. It's broken. It's been broken for a while,' said Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., who sits on the Senate Appropriations Committee. He said Congress will likely fall back on continuing resolutions, which largely maintain the status quo, and rescission packages for the remainder of Trump's presidency. Senate Minority Whip Dick Durbin, D-Ill., a senior appropriator, said the once-respected government funding process has 'disappeared,' calling the latest rescissions package 'a step backwards.' 'It's basically saying: No matter what you decide on, the president is going to be able to change the bill, even for money that's been appropriated,' Durbin said. Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., and Appropriations Chair Susan Collins, R-Maine, insist the process is alive and well. They will test that theory this week as Thune plans to bring at least one — if not more — appropriations bills to the Senate floor. He has argued that the $9 billion cut hits a tiny portion of the federal budget and shouldn't dissuade Democrats from working toward a deal. 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He added that more rescission packages would be coming. The backlash was fierce. Senate Republicans responsible for crafting the government funding bills were taken aback by his candor. 'Mr. Vought's lack of respect and apparent lack of understanding of how Congress operates is baffling, because he's served in government before,' Collins told NBC News. Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, said Vought 'disrespects' the appropriations process in Congress with his 'dismissive' comments. 'I think he thinks that we are irrelevant,' she said. And Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., on Thursday called on Trump to 'fire Russell Vought immediately, before he destroys our democracy and runs the country into the ground.' The series of clashes escalates tensions leading up to the fall deadline, with top Democrats warning ahead of the vote that they would have little incentive to provide the 60 votes to cut a deal. 'It is absurd to expect Democrats to play along with funding the government if Republicans are just going to renege on a bipartisan agreement by concocting rescissions packages behind closed doors that can pass with only their votes,' Schumer warned in a recent speech. The debate over the demise of individual lawmakers getting to dictate where federal funding is allocated came to a head during a recent meeting of the Senate Appropriations Committee, with many senators arguing that the work they were doing in that moment may just be overridden by congressional leadership and the president. 'The one thing we all agree on is the appropriations process is broken,' former Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., lamented, describing how during his 18 years leading the GOP conference he helped oversee a shift away from government funding levels being decided by committees and instead being negotiated by only the highest levels of leadership and the White House. 'I concluded our failure to pass our bills empower every president, regardless of party, because I've been in those discussions at the end, the big four and the guy with the pen, and that makes all of our requests irrelevant,' McConnell said. Collins has repeatedly blamed the decline of the process on Schumer's refusal to put appropriations bills on the Senate floor. That has also been a slow-moving trend: McConnell and former Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., also short-circuited the process on the floor when in charge. Rising partisanship has weakened committees broadly and placed more power in the hands of leadership. In the context of government funding, that led to 'omnibus' spending bills and continuing resolutions — or CRs — negotiated by party leaders and jammed through Congress, often with an impending deadline to pressure holdouts to fall in line quickly. But House Republicans raised hell, torching the massive bills negotiated behind closed doors as a betrayal to their constituents. In recent years, they have successfully steered their leadership away from that approach. And it leaves few options going forward. 'What the math tells us' Durbin, who is retiring after a 30-year Senate career, reminisced about when the process was at the peak of its powers — last century. The last time Congress completed it through 'regular order' was in the 1990s. 'There was a time when we called 12 appropriation bills to the floor, open for amendment! Can you imagine that?' Durbin said. 'I remember. And you had to do your job in the committee. You had to have a subcommittee lined up on a bipartisan basis, a full committee lined up on a bipartisan basis. And the committee stood together. And you could find enough to support it to pass something. That, I think, really reflected the best of the Senate.' He attributed the change to the growing discord between the parties and the declining 'reputation of the Appropriations Committee,' although he credited Collins and Vice Chair Patty Murray, D-Wash., with trying to restore the bipartisan spirit of the panel. Collins, notably, is on an island as the only GOP senator who voted against both attempts to rewrite government funding — in the megabill and rescissions package. Collins is also up for re-election next year in a Democratic-leaning state that Trump lost in 2024. Sarah Binder, a political scientist at George Washington University and the Brookings Institution, said the megabill's changes to GOP spending priorities 'undermines the rough parity between defense and nondefense discretionary spending that until recently made bipartisan deals possible.' She added, 'The Trump OMB's aggressive impoundments of enacted appropriations severely threatens Congress' power of the purse and with it the authority and expertise of and oversight by appropriators.' Yet even as Republicans find new ways to go around the Senate's 60-vote threshold, Thune has promised he won't abolish the filibuster. He distanced himself from Vought's remarks. 'Well, that runs contrary to what the math tells us around here,' he said. 'So, we need 60 on approps bills. And it's going to take 60 to fund the government.' The path to a new funding law is murky, at best. And Collins, for now, maintains confidence in the bipartisan appropriations process. When asked if she has any concerns about its future, Collins told NBC News, 'None whatsoever.'

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