
Migrants deported by the US to Eswatini being held in solitary confinement
Thabile Mdluli, the spokesperson, declined to identify the correctional facility or facilities where the five men are held, citing security concerns. She told the Associated Press that Eswatini planned to ultimately repatriate the five to their home countries with the help of a UN agency.
Mdluli said it wasn't clear how long that would take.
The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) – the UN agency tasked with ensuring migration is managed in a way that respects human rights – said on Thursday it was not involved in the removal of the migrants from the US and has not been contacted to help send them back home.
'As always, IOM stands ready to support Member States, upon request and where operationally feasible, in line with its humanitarian mandate,' an official from the organisation told Reuters.
The men, who the US says were convicted of serious crimes and were in the US illegally, are citizens of Vietnam, Jamaica, Cuba, Yemen and Laos. Their convictions included murder and child rape, according to the US Department of Homeland Security said.
US officials also said the men's home countries would not take them back.
Local media reported the men are being held at the Matsapha Correctional Complex, outside the country's administrative capital of Mbabane, which includes Eswatini's top maximum-security prison.
Their deportations were announced by the department on Tuesday and mark the continuation of president Donald Trump's plan to send deportees to third countries they have no ties with after it was stalled by a legal challenge in the US.
The US state department's most recent human rights report on Eswatini – an absolute monarchy – pointed to 'credible reports of: arbitrary or unlawful killings, including extrajudicial killings; torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment by the government'.
There were credible reports that some political prisoners were tortured in detention, according to the state department. Prison conditions overall varied, though facilities were plagued with overcrowding, disrepair, poor nutrition and ventilation and unchecked prisoner-on-prisoner violence.
The Trump administration has been seeking to make deals with countries across the globe to accept immigrants that the US cannot easily deport to their home countries.
Though other administrations have conducted third-country removals, the Trump administration's practice of sending immigrants to countries facing political and human rights crises have raised international alarm and condemnation.
Earlier this month the US completed deportation of eight other immigrants to South Sudan – a country beset with political instability and a hunger crisis. Prior to landing in South Sudan, the deportees were diverted to a US military based base in Djibouti, where they had been held in a converted shipping container for weeks. More than 200 Venezuelan men that the Trump administration deported to El Salvador – most of whom had no criminal histories in the US – also remain incarcerated in the country's notorious mega-prison Cecot, where detainees have reported facing torture.
There have been no details on why Eswatini agreed to take the men, and Mdluli, the government spokesperson, said 'the terms of the agreement between the US and Eswatini remain classified'.
Eswatini has said it was the result of months of negotiations between the two governments. South Sudan has also given no details of its agreement with the US to take deportees and has declined to say where the eight men sent there are being held.
Last week Tom Homan, the US border tsar, said he did not know what has happened to the eight men deported to South Sudan.
With the Associated Press and Reuters
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The Independent
10 minutes ago
- The Independent
Congo and rebels have committed to ending war in the east. Here's what to know
Congo and Rwanda-backed rebels have signed a declaration of principles for a permanent ceasefire in eastern Congo, where ethnic tensions and quest for rich minerals have resulted in one of Africa's longest conflicts with thousands killed this year. The African Union called Saturday's signing, facilitated by Qatar, a 'major milestone' in peace efforts. Qatari authorities said it paves the way for 'a comprehensive peace that addresses the deep-rooted causes of the conflict.' But the ink has barely dried on the document signed in Qatar before both sides appeared to contradict each other in interpreting a major highlight of the declaration. Congolese government spokesman Patrick Muyaya said the declaration takes into account 'the non-negotiable withdrawal' of the rebels from seized territories, including the biggest city of Goma. The M23 rebels denied this, with a spokesman telling The Associated Press: 'We are in Goma with the population and we are not going to get out.' The declaration is supposed to lead to a final peace deal The declaration of principles was the first direct commitment by both sides since the rebels, supported by neighboring Rwanda, seized two key cities in eastern Congo in a major advance early this year. In it, both parties committed to 'building trust' through various measures, including an exchange of prisoners and detainees as well as restoring state authority in all parts of the country, including rebel-held areas. The International Committee of the Red Cross, which has been mentioned as a key party in facilitating such release, said after the signing that it 'stands ready to help." The signing sets in motion negotiations for a final peace deal, to be signed no later than Aug. 18. It also reflects provisions of a U.S.-brokered peace deal signed between Congo and Rwanda on June 27. Both the U.S.-facilitated and Qatar-led peace talks are aligned, and the Congolese and Rwandan presidents are soon expected in Washington to finalize negotiations for ending the conflict. The conflict dates back to the Rwandan genocide The conflict can be traced to the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide of 1994, when Hutu soldiers and militias killed between 500,000 and 1 million minority Tutsis as well as moderate Hutus and the Indigenous Twa. When Tutsi-led rebels stopped the genocide and ousted the Hutu government, nearly 2 million Hutus fled into neighboring Congo, fearing reprisals. Rwandan authorities accused the authorities in Kinshasa of sheltering those responsible for the mass killings among the civilian refugees, most of whom had returned when Rwanda first invaded Congo in 1996. But Kigali said the remaining Hutu fighters in eastern Congo are still a threat to Rwanda's Tutsi population, and wants them neutralized. At least 6 million people have been killed in the conflict since then, mostly characterized by on-and-off fighting but also famines and unchecked disease outbreaks. Minerals hold key to the conflict Analysts have said a lot of interests in the conflict in Congo are tied to the mostly untapped minerals in the east, estimated to be worth as much as $24 trillion by the U.S. Department of Commerce. The Trump administration has pushed to gain access to the minerals key to much of the world's technology. It is also to counter China, a key player in the region where the U.S. presence and influence have eroded. That is already playing out with KoBold Metals, a U.S. mining company that on Friday announced it has signed an agreement with Congo for 'large-scale minerals exploration program' in the east. Rwanda's interests are also tied to the conflict minerals, although it often says its involvement is to protect its territory and punish those connected to the 1994 genocide. A team of U.N. experts said in a report in December that Rwanda was benefitting from minerals 'fraudulently' exported from areas under the control of the M23. Rwanda has denied it. Although the M23 has touted itself as a group independent of Rwanda and capable of governing territories under its control, it still relies heavily on Kigali. U.N. experts estimate there are up to 4,000 Rwandan troops in eastern Congo. Justice remains a major issue The U.N. and rights groups have accused both sides of committing atrocities and possible war crimes since fighting escalated in January. It includes children being killed in summary executions, the rape and sexual abuse of thousands of children, attacks on hospitals, forced recruitments and disappearance of residents in rebel-held areas. 'We cannot build peace without justice and reparation,' Goma resident Amani Muisa said.


The Guardian
10 minutes ago
- The Guardian
The world's oldest president is running again: can anyone stop him from winning?
Opposite Treasure Hunter, one of four casinos on the same street in Douala, Cameroon's commercial capital, money changers and motorcycle taxi drivers such as André Ouandji mill around, calling out to potential clients. Ouandji has worked in the area for three years but has not entered the casinos. He prefers to frequent the sports betting shop in his local neighbourhood of Bonabéri. Cameroon has the second-best performing economy in central Africa, but despite this a third of the population live on $2 or less daily and, according to a 2023 survey by the country's National Statistics Institute, eight in 10 of the workforce are informally employed. Against this backdrop, gambling and betting have become increasingly popular. 'We stopped relying on the government for anything years ago,' said Ouandji, who is 27. Like many young Cameroonians, he is undecided about whether to vote in October's presidential election. In a country where the median age is 18 and average life expectancy is 63, the overwhelming favourite is the 92-year-old incumbent, Paul Biya, president since 1982. He formally declared his candidacy for another seven-year term on 13 July, brushing aside calls from inside and outside the country to step aside. 'Together, there are no challenges we cannot meet,' he wrote on X. 'The best is still to come.' Biya's decades-long rule has been accompanied by a decline in voter turnout. The abstention rate in the 1992 election – widely believed to have been stolen from the late opposition leader John Fru Ndi – was 19.6%. By 2018 it had hit 46.7%. Eighteen-year-old Serge (not his real name), a first-year geography student at the University of Douala, said prioritising his economic future in a country of high unemployment and rampant nepotism was more important to him than voting. 'My dream was to be a lawyer but you need connections for jobs, your father needs to be placed somewhere, so I settled for being a teacher which is easier,' he said. Supporters of the ruling Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) point to the country's overall economic performance relative to its neighbours and say they prefer stability to the unknown. Some even believe Biya's mandate is divine. 'No authority can exist unless it comes from God,' said Antoine Nkoa, the author of the 51-page pamphlet 10 Good Reasons Why You Should Vote Paul Biya in 2025. Nkoa, who lives in the capital, Yaoundé, said he had never met the president but that he had an early morning vision of the world's oldest president winning again. Such a vision represents a nightmare scenario for Barthélemy Yaouda Hourgo, the Catholic bishop of Yagoua in the country's Far North region. 'Enough is enough,' he said in January while urging Biya, the son of a catechist, to call it quits. Christopher Nkong, the secretary general of the leading opposition party, Cameroon Renaissance Movement (MRC), said in an interview that Biya had 'outlived his usefulness'. 'We say, 'Papa you have done your best. Can you not leave for another Cameroonian to take over?'' Biya's critics say his supporters are out of touch with reality. Endemic corruption and a cost of living crisis have been exacerbated by concurrent conflicts with armed anglophone separatists in the west sending thousands into neighbouring Nigeria, jihadists in the Far North region and criminal kidnapping gangs in the so-called triangle of death near the borders with Chad and Central African Republic. Experts say the crises could make voting in some areas harder, which would favour Biya. The election takes place a few days after separatists mark the independence of the breakaway state of Ambazonia. At least seven people including a priest were killed by security officials during the 2018 election weekend in Buea and Bamenda, the main cities in anglophone Cameroon. In a twist to proceedings, two of Biya's longtime allies – the influential ministers Bello Bouba Maigari and Issa Tchiroma – resigned from the cabinet within days of each other in June and declared their intention to run against him. 'We are in misery,' Tchiroma said from his home town of Garoua in the north, a hunting ground for the jihadists of Boko Haram. The same month, Léon Onana, a municipal councillor, filed a lawsuit to compel CPDM to organise its first national congress since 2011 on the grounds that 'we cannot remain in a party where everything revolves around a single individual'. Sign up to The Long Wave Nesrine Malik and Jason Okundaye deliver your weekly dose of Black life and culture from around the world after newsletter promotion MRC hopes to rally the undecided and uninterested to vote in large numbers for its candidate, the former justice minister Maurice Kamto. 'Everybody is feeling the pinch of mismanagement, embezzlement, non-development, low standards of living, and poverty brought by the regime [which] knows that it is unpopular,' said Nkong. But, he added, 'to uproot a dictator is not a day's job'. Despite efforts by civil society groups to mobilise people to register to vote, and moves by multiple opposition parties to coalesce into a coalition, some say the field has already been rigged in favour of Biya. The country's electoral commission, Elections Cameroon, for example, comprises several former ruling party members and is not seen as impartial. The commission is supervised by the all-powerful minister of territorial administration, Paul Atanga Nji, a self-described 'Biyaiste' nicknamed Moulinex National after the French kitchen blender for his threats to Biya's opponents. Among his critics, Biya is seen as a master of divide and rule. For years, CPDM has been accused of sponsoring political parties to cause confusion within opposition ranks and armed separatist factions to stir chaos. A law forbidding parties from campaigning until a month before the election often does not seem to apply to CPDM. The government was approached for comment. Shortly after Kamto held a mass rally with the diaspora in Paris at the end of May, he was put under house arrest. Some of his supporters were also locked up in police cells for two days. 'The police, gendarme and military came,' a witness who wished to remain anonymous said. Kah Walla, the leader of the left-leaning Cameroon People's party, has similar stories of harassment. 'In the last year, my office here has been surrounded by police tanks and water cannons,' she said. 'If I cannot hold a normal political meeting, then for sure I cannot be a candidate in the election … it's an aberration to even call these things elections.' Her party is boycotting the elections, as it did in 2018, demanding serious reforms instead. 'I always tell Cameroonians, if we are asked to go to a football tournament, say in Nigeria, and the referees are Nigerian, the people allowing people into the stadium are Nigerian, and the stadium is on a hill with Nigeria at the top and the other teams are at the bottom, Cameroonians will say bring the team back home.' In some circles there is hopeful talk on social media of a 'post-Biya era'. MRC has urged young people to copy its Senegalese counterparts, who stayed at polling stations during vote-tallying last year to 'protect their votes' and helped unseat the ruling party. Some experts say another post-election scenario may be a repeat of events in Gabon, where the re-election of Ali Bongo in August 2023 triggered unrest and a coup. There is the sense that many Cameroonians will be comfortable with either scenario. 'There will be no error in 2025,' Nkong said. 'CPDM's time has ended.'


The Independent
40 minutes ago
- The Independent
Volunteers flock to immigration courts to support migrants arrested in the hallways
After a Seattle immigration judge dismissed the deportation case against a Colombian man — exposing him to expedited removal — three people sat with him in the back of the courtroom, taking his car keys for safe-keeping, helping him memorize phone numbers and gathering the names of family members who needed to be notified. When Judge Brett Parchert asked why they were doing that in court, the volunteers said Immigration and Custom Enforcement officers were outside the door, waiting to take the man into custody, so this was their only chance to help him get his things in order. "ICE is in the waiting room?" the judge asked. As the mass deportation campaign of President Donald Trump focuses on cities and states led by Democrats and unleashes fear among asylum-seekers and immigrants, their legal defenders sued this week, seeking class-action protections against the arrests outside immigration court hearings. Meanwhile, these volunteers are taking action. A diverse group — faith leaders, college students, grandmothers, retired lawyers and professors — has been showing up at immigration courts across the nation to escort immigrants at risk of being detained for deportation by masked ICE officials. They're giving families moral and logistical support, and bearing witness as the people are taken away. The Northwest Immigrant Rights Project was inundated by so many community members wanting to help that they made a volunteer training video, created 'Know Your Rights' sheets in several languages and started a Google sheet where people sign up for shifts, said Stephanie Gai, a staff attorney with the Seattle-based legal services non-profit. 'We could not do it without them," Gai said. 'Some volunteers request time off work so they can come in and help.' Robby Rohr, a retired non-profit director said she volunteers regularly. 'Being here makes people feel they are remembered and recognized,' she said 'It's such a bureaucratic and confusing process. We try to help them through it.' Recording videos of detentions to post online online Volunteers and legal aid groups have long provided free legal orientation in immigration court but the arrests have posed new challenges. Since May, the government has been asking judges to dismiss deportation cases. Once the judge agrees, ICE officials arrest them in the hallways and put them in fast-track deportation proceedings, no matter which legal immigration pathway they may have been pursuing. Once in custody, it's often harder to find or afford a lawyer. Immigration judges are executive branch employees, and while some have resisted Homeland Security lawyers' dismissal orders in some cases, many are granted. Masked ICE agents grabbed the Colombian man and led him into the hallway. A volunteer took his backpack to give to his family as he was taken away. Other cases on the day's docket involved immigrants who didn't show up. Parchert granted 'removal in absentia' orders, enabling ICE to arrest them later. When asked about these arrests and the volunteers at immigration courts, a senior spokesperson with the Department of Homeland Security said ICE is once again implementing the rule of law by reversing 'Biden's catch and release policy that allowed millions of unvetted illegal aliens to be let loose on American streets." Some volunteers have recorded arrests in courtroom hallways, traumatic scenes that are proliferating online. How many similar scenes are happening nationwide remains unclear. The Executive Office for Immigration Review has not released numbers of cases dismissed or arrests made at or near immigration courts. While most volunteers have done this work without incident, some have been arrested for interfering with ICE agents. New York City Comptroller and Democratic mayoral candidate Brad Lander was arrested after locking arms with a person in a failed attempt to prevent his detention. Lander's wife, attorney Meg Barnette, had just joined him in walking migrants from a courtroom to the elevator. Helping families find their relatives as they disappear The volunteers' act of witnessing has proven to be important as people disappear into a detention system that can seem chaotic, leaving families without any information about their whereabouts for days on end. In a waiting room serving New York City immigration courtrooms, a Spanish-speaking woman with long dark curly hair was sitting anxiously with her daughter after she and her husband had separate hearings. Now he was nowhere to be found. The Rev. Fabián Arias, a volunteer court observer, said the woman whose first name is Alva approached him asking 'Where is my husband?' She showed him his photo. 'ICE detained him,' Arias told her, and tried to comfort her as she trembled, later welling up with tears. A judge had not dismissed the husband's case, giving him until October to find a lawyer. But that didn't stop ICE agents from handcuffing him and taking him away as soon as he stepped out of court. The news sparked an outcry by immigration advocates, city officials and a congressman. At a news conference, she gave only her first name and asked that her daughter's be withheld. Brianna Garcia, a college student in El Paso, Texas, said she's been attending immigration court hearings for weeks where she informs people of their rights and then records ICE agents taking people into custody. 'We escort people so they're not harassed and help people memorize important phone numbers, since their belongings are confiscated by ICE," she said. Paris Thomas began volunteering at the Denver immigration court after hearing about the effort through a network of churches. Wearing a straw hat, he recently waited in the midday heat for people to arrive for afternoon hearings. Thomas handed people a small paper flyer listing their rights in Spanish on one side and English on the other. One man walking with a woman told him 'thank you. Thank you.' Another man gave him a hug. Denver volunteer Don Marsh said they offer to walk people to their cars after court appearances, so they can contact attorneys and family if ICE arrests them. Marsh said he's never done anything like this before, but wants to do something to preserve the nation's 'rule of law' now that unidentifiable government agents are 'snatching' people off the streets. 'If we're not all safe, no one's safe,' he said. Attanasio reported from New York City and Slevin from Denver.