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Homeland security officials defend immigration court arrests after being sued

Homeland security officials defend immigration court arrests after being sued

Yahoo2 days ago
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security on Thursday defended its policy of having Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers arrest people at their immigration court hearings after a class-action lawsuit was filed that seeks to stop the practice.
The lawsuit filed Wednesday in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia against the agency and ICE says the arrests of thousands of people at court have stripped them of rights afforded to them under immigration law and the U.S. Constitution.
Tricia McLaughlin, Homeland Security assistant secretary for public affairs, told The Associated Press on Thursday that arresting people at immigration court is safer for law enforcement officers because the immigration have gone through security and were screened for weapons.
It also conserves law enforcement resources 'because they already know where a target will be," she said.
'We aren't some medieval kingdom, there are no legal sanctuaries where you can hide and avoid the consequences for breaking the law,' McLaughlin said in an email. 'Nothing in the constitution prohibits arresting a lawbreaker where you find them.'
The large-scale immigration court arrests that began in May have unleashed fear among asylum-seekers and immigrants. In what has become a familiar scene, a judge will grant a government lawyer's request to dismiss deportation proceedings against an immigrant while ICE officers wait in the hallway to take them into custody. They're then moved to an expedited removal process.
Keren Zwick, director of the National Immigrant Justice Center, one of the organizations that filed the lawsuit, said the immigrants who are being arrested at courts are following the law by appearing at their required hearings. Instead, they face detention for abiding by the rules.
If a person fails to show up for their court hearing, the judge will issue an order for them to be removed in absentia.
The lawsuit represents 12 people who have been arrested at court hearings, along with the Immigrant Advocates Response Collaborative and American Gateways, which provide legal services to people who face potential arrest and deportation when attending court.
The immigrants, identified in the lawsuit by their initials, came to the U.S. from Venezuela, the Chechen Republic, Cuba, Ecuador, Liberia and the Republic of Guinea. Many faced persecution, political retaliation, or were kidnapped and assaulted. They had sought asylum through the legal process, but their requests were quashed when the government lawyer dismissed their case and they were placed on expeditated removal.
Homeland Security officials say if a person has a credible fear claim, they can continue their immigration proceedings in detention, but if the claim is found uncredible, they'll be subject to swift deportation.
Edna Yang, co-executive director of American Gateways, said the lawsuit seeks to challenge the unconstitutional practice of arresting these immigrants and defend their right to be heard in a court of law.
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From registration to election day and beyond; how voting in New York works
From registration to election day and beyond; how voting in New York works

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From registration to election day and beyond; how voting in New York works

Jul. 19—From registration to casting a ballot and after, the voting process in New York is one of checks, double checks and triple checks meant to ensure the integrity of the democratic process. As detailed through public documentation, the letter of the law and consulting with a state Board of Elections official, the process relies on the contributions of hundreds to thousands of people, from local volunteer poll inspectors to experts in a vast state oversight operation. REGISTRATION In New York, voters can register to vote either individually through their county Board of Elections, in person or by mail, or alongside their drivers license application. When filling out a voter registration form, the applicant has to affirm their right to vote as a citizen of the U.S., that they're over 18 or will be by election day, their address, provide some sort of identification, confirm a voting history if any exists, and select party membership, including not joining one at all. Applicants are asked to sign an affidavit affirming they are a citizen, have lived in the place they are registering to vote from for more than 30 days, and acknowledge a potential jail sentence or fine for being untruthful. If the individual registered for a party, that makes them eligible to vote in that party's primary elections, choosing which candidate will go forward against the other party candidates in the November general elections. Those not in a party, or in a smaller party that doesn't frequently hold primary elections, will be restricted to voting in nonpartisan elections only — the November general and some primaries in cities that bar party participation in local elections. CASTING THE VOTE For both primary and general elections, voters can apply for absentee ballots, permitting them to vote in their local elections while temporarily out of town for reasons including military service, college attendance or travel. New York recently updated election laws to also permit early voting by mail, which allows someone to request an early ballot be delivered to their home, allowing them to vote by mail even if they're physically able to make it to the polls. New York has also expanded early in-person voting for both primaries and general elections, allowing people to show up to a limited number of polling sites in their home county and cast a ballot the same way they would on election day. And then there's the normal election day process, where the county BOE's open dozens of polling sites in every city, town and village for voters to show up to in person, from 6 a.m. to 9 p.m. While New York has shifted its primary calendar significantly in recent years, primary election days are typically a Tuesday at the end of June. General election day for almost all offices in New York and at the federal level is always the first Tuesday of November — this year that's November 4. Some local village and town elections may be held on different dates. Those elections are typically not run by the county boards of election, rather handled by the local government itself. This approach is fading out of practice in much of the state. In both primaries and general election dates, that one day of widespread poll openings is the deadline for all other forms of voting to be completed; in-person early voting wraps up the Sunday before election day, and both early and absentee mail ballots must be postmarked by election day, although they can be received up to a week after. The ballots themselves are not uniform across the state, but legislation was passed in 2011 that requires they meet a general standard — large, black and white pieces of paper with English and Spanish instructions. Offices on the ballot change depending on the election, and rules change depending on the office. Some elections for city council permit voters to pick more than one candidate, while races for mayor or governor allow only a single choice. In New York City, primary elections use a completely different ranked choice method that allows up to 5 choices, but those rules only apply to a limited number of elections and no other New York state entity employs those rules. New York uses digital optical scanning machines that take paper ballots, which replaced an older mechanical lever-based system. Whether the ballot is cast at a polling site or in a Board of Elections office, it's run through that county's choice of ballot machine and registered. In Jefferson County, officials use ClearBallot machines, while Lewis and Franklin Counties use Dominion machines. In St. Lawrence County, Dominion machines are used at poll sites while ClearBallot machines are used for the central count. Voting machines are tested for logic and accuracy before each election and tested to confirm they will work with all ballots being used by the county. All voting machines must be used each year, and tested each year, which is accomplished by rotating the machines used in each election event. The state Board of Elections maintains a centralized maintenance log for all voting machines and works with county officials to ensure the testing works as planned. Other counties across the state use other machines; the Hart Verity system or the Election Systems & Software platform. All four options consist of an optical scanning system and a dedicated ballot marking system that can be used by anyone, but is tailored to people with physical disabilities. Some systems offer specialized machines for ballot marking, while others like Dominion integrate an assistive technology platform with an optical scanner. Voters can choose to fill out their paper ballot by hand or use the assistive technology, regardless of if they are disabled or not. To use assistive technology, a voter only has to ask an election inspector. While voters are verified using signature-matching, in most counties done with computerized voter rolls now, their vote itself is not tied to them. Voters verify they are eligible to vote and have cast a ballot, but the ballot itself cannot be tied back to them. For mail-in ballots, election officials separate them from their signed envelopes which serve as their signature verification and feed them into a set-aside counting machine. COUNTING THE VOTE The vote is immediately counted when scanned into the machine and both the assistive voting machines and the optical scanners give voters a chance to return their ballot and show that it's been processed. Each paper ballot, which is generated both by the assistive machines and the hand voting process, is stored in the machine it was counted by, sealed behind a locked panel. Each vote cast in New York has a paper trail — nothing is fully digital. These poll machines feed their results into a centralized, secure election management system maintained by the local board of elections. That system permits them to immediately tally early, unverified results from all polling sites including their in-office machines used for early and mail-in ballots. In some cases, especially rural counties with polling sites in remote places, these machines don't report their results until delivered to the county board of elections headquarters, but most of them can report their results remotely through a secure connection. Then there's a verification process to make sure all ballots are counted properly; a recanvas and a post-election audit. Both those processes are set out in state law with strict timelines. For the recanvas, machine totals are checked against aggregate vote totals to make sure the math works out, and that is done for every optical scanning machine. The audit, which counts individual ballots and compares those results to the machines records, is done on 3% of machines but can be expanded if the recanvas shows errors or the audit shows a high failure rate. In all instances, paper ballots filled out by the voter are available to be counted. For extremely close contests, manual recounts are automatically triggered as well. When a candidate has a legitimate concern over the results of an election, they can petition for a manual recount for their contest as well. Early votes and mail-in ballots are scanned on machines that cannot have their results read until the polls close, or as much as an hour beforehand with a strict block on reporting that information anywhere public. Results reported on election night after the polls close reflect in-person voting, including early in-person and day-of voting, as well as the mailed ballots that could be verified and processed before election day. There are still votes coming in for up to a week after election day, mailed up to the day of the election, and some mailed ballots may be 'cured' if they present verification problems that the voter can correct. Additionally, some errors may be found during the recanvas, audit or for contests with recounts. Post-election, the state board of elections receives the voting activity for all registered voters in each county through the NYSVoter proprietary database. The state board then conducts a match process to ensure there was no double or improper voting. Counties also have to certify their audit process with the state board. Once all of that is done, the county boards certify their results, affirming the vote count is true and accurate, and locking in the results. Some certified votes come in within weeks of the election, others take months to resolve in the event of irregularities, legal challenges or other challenges to the validity of the results. While significant errors are rare, and preliminary results typically closely resemble or exactly match the certified results, numbers shared before certification are considered preliminary and are subject to change. THE PEOPLE WHO DO THE WORK In New York, Boards of Elections are bipartisan operations; the local Republican and Democratic party committees each nominate a commissioner who is accepted by the local county legislature and appointed to run the board. Each party then has an equal number of staff including a deputy, a technical manager, a clerk and other staff. Some counties with large populations have over a hundred election staff members, while most rural counties have between 8 and 14 staff members — all are chosen by their respective party's commissioner. Local boards are responsible for adjudicating ballot access, and commissioners vote on whether a candidate has fulfilled the standards set out in the law when issues with ballot access petitions arise. Party organizations can send individuals to observe the counting process on and after election night, but only registered poll inspectors and county board of elections staff are allowed to do the actual recounting and auditing. Some local boards of election allow members of the public to observe as well, provided numbers remain reasonable and viewers do not interfere with the process. Board of elections staff retain the power to remove any observer who causes disruption, and some counties enlist sheriff's deputies to maintain order. The state board of elections is similar although it has four commissioners, two Republican and two Democrat. It also has two executive directors also nominated by the Democrat and Republican parties. Established in 1974, it doesn't count votes and rather serves as an overseer for the county boards, regulator for campaign finance and campaign laws, and assistant with over arching responsibilities. The state Board of Elections performs a final check of all county voting results, compares voter rolls to ensure no voter cast two ballots, and checks New York's voter rolls against a national voter roll for the same purpose. The state board is also tasked with certifying all voting technology before county boards can buy the machines, including all physical devices, software and updates, registration systems, polling books, ballot marking devices, as well as the physical furniture used for polling sites. They show up on-site when a county elections board purchases new technology and review it with an isolated computer system. They also review ballots to ensure they fit a reasonable standard and maintain campaign finance records for political campaigns. In the event of legal challenges, errors or other problems with the county process, the state board offers resources to assist the local officials with resolving issues. "The steps that the county boards must take post-election day are meant to check and double-check work that has been done before the process can be finalized," said a spokesperson for the state board of elections. "Accuracy is almost more important than speed. Above all, election administration and oversight are always transparent and bipartisan. These priorities help ensure fairness, accuracy and security of voting and elections." Solve the daily Crossword

Aaron Phypers claims Denise Richards made up abuse claims to cover up affair
Aaron Phypers claims Denise Richards made up abuse claims to cover up affair

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Aaron Phypers claims Denise Richards made up abuse claims to cover up affair

NEW YORK — Aaron Phypers is claiming that Denise Richards manufactured allegations of abuse as a means to distract from an affair that he uncovered earlier this year. Less than two weeks after filing for divorce from the 'Real Housewives of Beverly Hills' alum, 52-year-old Phypers told TMZ during a virtual interview that he learned his wife was cheating when he found illicit texts on her laptop back in February. He says he confronted Richards who begged Phypers not to leave her, assuring him she was 'so sorry' and 'won't do that again.' They decided to stay together, but Phypers says he later found texts going up until late May. Fast forward to July 4 weekend, Phypers claims Richards stole his phone and denied having it — at one point even 'hitting' and 'scratching' him when he questioned her about the device. Phypers says he found the phone a day later smashed in their recycling bin, but she continued to deny having anything to do with it. Asked why he thinks Richards would destroy his phone, Phypers says the device had photos of all the texts that would prove her alleged affair. Phypers filed for divorce on July 7, citing irreconcilable differences and asking for spousal support. Richards followed that earlier this week by requesting a temporary restraining order against Phypers, noting allegations of longstanding abuse including claims that he would 'violently choke' her and 'slam [her] head into the bathroom towel rack.' The court filing, obtained by TMZ, included a photo from 2022 showing Richards with a black eye, which she alleges her husband gave her. Phypers meanwhile insists it was the result of Richards taking a drunken fall at his office and hitting her head on 'a pole with a light on it.' Phypers claims other people were also present and can attest to the incident, adding that Richards 'falls down a lot and it's embarrassing. … It's scary.' Phypers asserts that he has never 'hit [his] wife in the face, ever,' but does admit to having forcefully grabbed her on various occasions. 'I grabbed and restrained her when she was punching Sami,' he claims of the 21-year-old daughter Richards shares with ex-husband Charlie Sheen. The exes also share daughter Lola, 20. Phypers says that Richards' allegations have put him in 'grave danger,' particularly on a financial level. 'The fact that she put this thing about me beating her, I'm like devastated,' he adds. 'I wanted to work it out. But she's gotta get help. It's not for me now, it's for herself and her daughters. I'm really worried about Eloise. It's not a good situation. … She's gotta get cleaned up and be responsible and own what she's doing.' Though Phypers confirmed in February that he'd become the adoptive father to Richards' 14-year-old adopted daughter Eloise, court documents say the spouses have 'no minor children' together. The Daily News has reached out to a rep for Richards.

Gendebien campaign fund tops $3.5M
Gendebien campaign fund tops $3.5M

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Gendebien campaign fund tops $3.5M

Democratic congressional candidate Blake Gendebien continued to demonstrate a solid grass-roots donor base from around the country in the second quarter. But contributions from Democratic-leaning political action committees dried up after the expected 21st Congressional District special election this spring was called off. Gendebien has yet to receive financial backing from the Democratic party establishment, generally regarded as in indication of a competitive race, and he has had limited contributions from labor unions. Still, it is early in the race, and with $1.96 million in his campaign fund, as of June 30, Genedebien is well-positioned to be able to run a high-profile campaign. The farmer from Lisbon in Saint Lawrence County raised $212,605 in the second quarter, bringing his total amount raised so far in the election cycle to $3.56 million, according to a new campaign finance reported filed Tuesday with the Federal Election Commission. Gendebien began fundraising in late 2024 in expectation of running in a special election for a vacancy in the 21st Congressional District, which never materialized. In late March, President Donald Trump withdrew the nomination of U.S. Rep. Elise Stefanik, R-Schuylerville, to become ambassador to the United Nations, saying he could not risk losing the seat to a Democrat, given the thin Republican majority in the House. Stefanik raised $2.07 million in the second quarter, bringing her total contributions this campaign cycle to $3.2 million, according to a new campaign finance report filed Tuesday with the Federal Election Commission. She had $10 million in her campaign fund as of June 30. However, Stefanik, a six-term incumbent, is expected to run for governor. If she does not, the Republican congressional nominee would be starting fundraising from scratch, and could face an expensive primary. Potential Republican candidates are waiting for Stefanik to formally announce her candidacy to launch their campaigns. Assemblyman Robert Smullen, R-Johnstown, has said he will run for Congress if Stefanik runs for governor, and Amsterdam businessman Anthony Constantino has said he is considering running. Other possible candidates, including state Sen. Dan Stec, R-Queensbury, and Liz Lemery Joy, a conservative speaker and writer from Glenville, have said it is premature to discuss a hypothetical race. Republicans have said they are confident of the party's heavy voter enrollment advantage in the congressional district. Most national House race rating publications do not consider the race as competitive, but one publication, Inside Elections, has identified NY-21 as one of 64 House 'seats in play' in 2026, although it rates the race as 'likely Republican.' Gendebien received one labor union contribution in the second quarter — $1,000 from the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers — and no other political action committee contributions. Stefanik received $95,500 in political action committee contributions in the second quarter, including $5,000 from the America Israel Public Affairs Committee, a bipartisan pro-Israel PAC. She received $12,000 from the finance, banking and loan industry: $5,000 each from Price Waterhouse Coopers and UBS America, and $1,000 each from the American Financial Services Association and Nelnet, a student loan payment processing company. She received $4,000 from defense contractors: $1,000 each from R.T.X. Corp., L3 Technologies, Textron and The Boeing Co. Within the region, she received $2,500 from Sylvamo Corp., which owns a paper mill at Ticonderoga, and $2,500 from the National Thoroughbred Racing Association. Other PAC contributions included $5,000 from the Community Action Program, which advocates for human services assistance programs, $2,500 from General Motors Corp., $2,500 from Google, $1,500 from the American Petroleum Institute, $5,000 from The Home Depot and 2,000 from Walmart. Gendebien spent $273,871 on his campaign in the second quarter, including $24,383 for texting, $3,144 for printing, $18,600 for polling and $28,250 for video production. The Gendebien campaign recently released on social media a satirical video produced using artificial intelligence, which lampooned Stefanik for being reluctant to formally announce her run for governor. AI was used to create a character which closely resembles Stefanik, including wearing outfits similar to what Stefanik has worn in public or in past campaign advertising. Stefanik, in a news release, called the video a 'blatantly sexist, deep-fake attack ad that is deeply offensive to North Country voters.' Gendebien countered that it was a light-hearted attempt to call attention to Stefanik not being willing to admit she plans to run for governor. Stefanik spent $579,882 on her campaign in the second quarter, including $97,967 for fundraising telemarketing, $152,839 on direct mail printing and postage, $4,603 on texting and $800 on video production.

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