‘National Dialogue is no talk shop,' organisers say
But the Democratic Alliance has said it will boycott the dialogue that will take place over nine months, calling it a waste of time and money
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IOL News
41 minutes ago
- IOL News
Madiba's legacy: Time to reclaim the soul of the struggle
ANC president Nelson Mandela smiles on April 27, 1994, as he casts his vote at the John Langalibalele Dube's Ohlange High School in Inanda, near Durban. We were once a society celebrated for the moral imagination of our negotiated settlement, hailed as a Rainbow Nation that chose dialogue over destruction, political patience over military confrontation. That fragile consensus has disintegrated, says the writer. Image: AFP Zamikhaya Maseti As the world paused to observe Mandela Day this week on July 18, 2025, we are reminded that this day, solemnly declared by the United Nations in 2009, stands not as a decorative event on the calendar but as a global summons to political and ethical conscience. Mandela Day was never meant to be reduced to a moment of philanthropy. It is a moral provocation. It demands reflection, honesty, and action from all of us, particularly those who profess to walk in the shadows of the long and unfinished journey that began long before 1994. On February 11, 1990, President Nelson Mandela emerged from Victor Verster Prison with his fist raised high in the air, a gesture that immediately entered the symbolic archive of revolutionary imagery. It was not a sign of triumphalism. It was a signal. A political message carved into the conscience of this country and the watching world. That image did not mark the end of the struggle. It marked its transformation. It did not signify closure. It announced a continuation. It called upon the oppressed and the marginalised, the landless and the working poor, to pick up where he and his fellow Rivonia Trialists had left off. The prison gates had opened, yes, but the gates of justice remained locked for millions. He did not emerge bitter after twenty-seven years of carceral humiliation. He came out with the integrity of purpose intact, preaching reconciliation, peace, and coexistence. The reconciliation was meant to be just, it was meant to be transformative, and it was meant to be rooted in redress. This year's Mandela Day finds South Africa at a historical crossroads. It coincides with the build-up to what may become a defining moment in the life of our post-Apartheid democratic project, the much-anticipated National Dialogue, now just a month away. In a previous reflection, I described the National Dialogue as a conversation we did not know we truly needed. It is now apparent that we are a society adrift, lacking a common moral vocabulary and torn apart by deepening social fragmentation. In the context of Mandela Day, we must be courageous enough to pose the most uncomfortable but essential questions. Have we remained faithful to the founding ethos of our democratic transition? Have we honoured Mandela's radical legacy, or have we betrayed it? We were once a society celebrated for the moral imagination of our negotiated settlement, hailed as a Rainbow Nation that chose dialogue over destruction, political patience over military confrontation. That fragile consensus has disintegrated. Today, we speak less like a Nation and more like a federation of bitter factions divided by race, class, geography, and ideology. The dream of non-racialism has withered into suspicion. The national unity once imagined in the fervour of 1994 has been replaced with racial scapegoating and retreat. This is not the country Mandela sacrificed his freedom for. This is not the inheritance his fellow Rivonia Trialists hoped to bequeath to future generations. Mandela Day must not be reduced to cooking for communities or painting classroom walls. These gestures are not inherently wrong, but they are dangerously insufficient. They become symbolic bandages on wounds that require political surgery. We need to elevate Mandela Day beyond gestures. It must become a platform to interrogate structural injustice, economic exclusion, and the social distance that continues to define our post-1994 reality. The uncomfortable truth is that we have regressed. The South African Nation, post-February 11, 1990, defined by an ethos of Rainbowism, has collapsed into a contest of parallel grievances. The original project of inclusive nation-building has been corroded by policies that, while well-intentioned on paper, have had contradictory consequences in practice. The Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policy, for instance, while aimed at redressing apartheid-era dispossession, has inadvertently alienated certain sections of the Black majority (Africans, People of Colour, People of Indian origin, and the Khoisan People). When I refer to Black people, I do so in the tradition of the liberation movement as a historically defined social category forged through a collective struggle against colonialism, land dispossession, and Apartheid. That Black unity, painstakingly built in the trenches of resistance, is today fraying at the seams. We are witnessing a tragic reversal, a balkanisation of the oppressed into fragmented groupings, each speaking a different political grammar, each wounded by a different historical wound. Instead of deepening national unity, certain policies have created perceptions of intra-Black competition, fuelling resentment, bitterness, and ultimately disunity. We must confront the ideological implications of this drift. The emergence of what I call the Lumpen Bourgeoisie, a predatory class in itself, lacking revolutionary consciousness, obsessed with accumulation and proximity to power, stands in stark contrast to the National Bourgeoisie, a class for itself with a progressive mission, national vision, and clarity of purpose. The former is transactional and extractive. The latter, at least in theory, is meant to be developmental and historically conscious. The BEE unintentionally fostered the rise of the former while neglecting the ideological nurturing of the latter. This is not an attack on BEE per se. It is a call for its recalibration, for its redistributive potential to be realigned with the historic aspirations of the Freedom Charter and the social compact imagined at the birth of our democracy. Policies must not only transfer wealth, but they must build productive capacity, foster unity among the oppressed, and dismantle systemic privilege at its root. Equally important is the role of White South Africans in the post-1994 Nation. We cannot build a united country if significant sections of the population continue to self-isolate and insulate themselves from national challenges. The recent episode involving forty-nine self-exiled White farmers who left South Africa under the illusion of genocide and were caught in the geopolitical crossfire of a now-fractured Trump-Musk alliance is telling. It reveals the continued racial distrust, the misinformation industry, and the alienation of White South Africans from the collective destiny of this country. It also reveals a troubling reality that we are once again singing from two hymn books, one Black, the other White. These wounds will not heal through sentimentality. They require political honesty, institutional courage, and leadership with historical memory. That is why the National Dialogue is important. It must be a space where these contradictions are surfaced without fear. The Dialogue must ask why Mandela's Rainbow Nation has faded. The reconstruction of national unity cannot be subcontracted to slogans. It must be lived, nurtured, and constantly renewed. Mandela Day offers us a moment to recommit to the work of Nation-Building. It invites every South African, Black or White, rich or poor, urban or rural, to become an active participant in the unfinished struggle for a just and equal society. We all have a role to play in bridging the fissures of mistrust and despair. Mandela Day must be a call to civic renewal, to ethical leadership, and deep, principled reconciliation. Not the reconciliation of forgetfulness, but the reconciliation of truth, justice, and inclusion. In the name of Mandela, we must confront the fractures, realign our compass, and rebuild a Nation worthy of his legacy. * Zamikhaya Maseti is a Political Economy Analyst with a Magister Philosophiae (M. PHIL) in South African Politics and Political Economy from the University of Port Elizabeth (UPE), now known as the Nelson Mandela University (NMU). ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
The Herald
2 hours ago
- The Herald
Deadly George building collapse was 'entirely preventable': Macpherson
The full ECSA investigation report will soon be published in the government gazette and an appeal window to these finding is currently underway which expires on August 3. This report must form part the police investigation to establish criminal negligence for what happened, he said. "If criminal wrongdoing is established, those responsible must be prosecuted without delay. We must ensure that people are held accountable for 34 souls losing their life." The reforms will be carried out in three phases as follows: Phase 1 from 2025 to 2026: Immediate interventions, including new regulations, mandatory standards and emergency protocols; Phase 2 from 2026 to 2028: Implementation of long-term reform, including legislative amendments and competency-based registration systems; and Phase 3 from 2028 onwards: Institutional consolidation and relocation of custodianship of building regulations functions and standards to the department of public works & infrastructure. A total of 34 people died and 28 were injured. Among those on the site were South Africans, Mozambicans, Malawians and Zimbabweans. Macpherson said he had noted how the tragedy had taken a toll on the families of the dead and injured workers. "There is great suffered in the families. They struggle to put food on the table, pay medical costs and have psychological challenges," he said. "We are exploring options with the department of social development and NGOs to provide relief or support to the families most affected, including those who have lost primary breadwinners. We also take seriously the vulnerabilities faced by foreign nationals on construction sites, many of whom work under exploitative or undocumented conditions." As political parties, it didn't help to abuse the situation for political gain, he added. George building collapse survivor Elelwani Mawela of Limpopo spoke about the sadness she experienced after the tragedy. She said while she survived it was difficult to talk about as she burst into tears and was comforted by Macpherson. TimesLIVE
IOL News
9 hours ago
- IOL News
There was never a SETA Selection and Evaluation Panel. Nkabane lied
Minister Nobuhle Nkabane only created the 'independent panel' in March 2025, according to the writer. Image: GCIS The weekend's portfolio committee meeting, which Minister Nobuhle Nkabane bunked out of, heard staggering new details about the cover-up of brazen ANC cadre deployment. The evil system of ANC cadre deployment is a web of corruption. There was never an 'independent panel' which made the SETA board appointments - as with all ANC cadre deployment corruption, it was done behind closed doors by the ANC and its handlers, one being Luvo Makasi. The son of the ANC Chairperson, Gwede Mantashe, a former ANC KZN Premier, former ANC KZN MECs, and ANC office bearers currently serving in internal structures, were not appointed to these lucrative Board jobs by luck or accident. Their appointments were engineered. It is now on record that four out of five named persons have so far denied being on Nkabane's 'independent panel' - only one named person remains to testify. The committee testimony by witnesses, including Advocate Terry Motau, confirmed the conclusion from at least four out of the five people who Nkabane declared to Parliament served on this panel, that the panel did not exist. Nkabane lied. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ The bombshell revelation in the past 24 hours is that the names and applications for persons competing to serve on the SETA Boards were given directly to the Minister personally, in January 2025 (on her request) and not to the panel. This is contrary to Nkabane's claim to Parliament on 30 May that she didn't see the names until after "the panel" advised her. Nkabane only created the 'independent panel' in March 2025, which we deduce from the 'appointment letters' for 'panel members' that she submitted to Parliament. Nkabane had these applications for a full two months before she sent appointment letters to "the panel". Two letters have been supplied to Parliament which show her appointing two different people as 'independent panel' Chairpersons. One, Mabuza Ngubane as Chairperson on the 7th of March, and another, Adv Terry Motau as Chairperson on the 15th of March. Since then, both Motau & Ngubane have denied this, and Nkabane has admitted to Terry Motau that she indeed did not appoint him. These revelations are staggering: Nkabane & the ANC had the CVs and applications for two months before she started her 'independent panel' scheme, She attempted to appoint two different persons as 'Chairperson' - both of whom have testified to not having played any role in "the panel" and Now, at least four out of five persons on the 'independent panel' deny ever serving on the panel. With each passing day, Nkabane's ANC cadre deployment corruption scheme grows more and more brazen. The DA's demand to Luthuli House by way of a PAIA application for information on the Party's role in Nkabane's cadre deployment is yet to be answered. The DA will be holding Luthuli House to the legal timelines of this. The silence and inaction from President Ramaphosa show that an ANC party-wide cover-up may be underway, and the DA will not rest until full accountability follows. Karabo Khakhau MP - DA National Spokesperson
