With 12,000-km Range, India's New Bomber Can Outpace B-21 Raider, Strike Across Continents
In a bold leap in military capability, India is preparing to develop an ultra-long-range strategic bomber for the Indian Air Force, marking a major shift in its defence doctrine. Designed to strike targets over 12,000 kilometres away, the proposed bomber would give India the unprecedented ability to hit cities far away, signalling the country's move from regional dominance to global power projection.
Inspired by bombers like the Russian TU-160 'Blackjack' and the American B-21 Raider, this development marks India's next major military investment.
The necessity for such a bomber arises from the changing nature of warfare, which now includes cyber, space, and long-range airstrikes. While China progresses with the H-20 strategic bomber and the United States continues global power projection with the B-2 Spirit and the forthcoming B-21 Raider, India seeks to enhance its nuclear triad with a strategic airborne platform that can execute surgical or nuclear strikes from any distance, significantly bolstering its deterrence capabilities.
Inspired By Russia's TU-160 Strategic Bomber
The Russian TU-160 'Blackjack', known as the fastest and heaviest supersonic strategic bomber with a strike range of up to 12,300 kilometres and a payload capacity of 40 tons, serves as a key model for Indian defence analysts and DRDO engineers. the TU-160 is being viewed as a 'regional model', with its design, technology, and range adapted to align with India's geopolitical objectives.
The Indian bomber is expected to feature variable geometry wings or 'swing wing' design, optimising fuel efficiency and speed during flight.
Longer Range Than The US B-21 Raider
India's proposed bomber aims to surpass the range of the American B-21 Raider, still under development with an estimated range of 9,300 kilometres. This would allow India to operate directly in America, Europe, Australia, and Africa.
The B-21 Raider, developed by Northrop Grumman, will feature stealth design, radar avoidance, and automated navigation systems, qualities likely to be incorporated in India's bomber, alongside the integration of supersonic cruise missiles like Brahmos-NG.
BrahMos-NG: Air-Dropped Doom For Enemy Targets
The bomber's weapon load will be a standout feature, capable of carrying up to four units of Brahmos-NG, supersonic missiles with a range of 290-450 kilometres, capable of swiftly targeting enemy airbases, radars, command centres, or nuclear sites.
Additional armaments may include short-range ballistic weapons like Agni-1P, laser-guided bombs, and anti-radiation missiles.
Who Is the Technology Partner?
For this ambitious project, the Indian government, alongside DRDO, HAL, and ADA (Aircraft Development Agency), is negotiating technology transfer with foreign defence companies, with Russia and France at the forefront.
A specialised turbofan engine will be essential, potentially developed from a modified version of the GE-414 engine or one similar to Russia's NK-32 engine.
What Are the Strategic Advantages?
Global Strike Capability: India will gain the ability to strike targets not just in Asia, but anywhere in the world.
Second-Strike Assurance: It will strengthen India's nuclear deterrence by ensuring the capability to retaliate after a first strike.
Force Projection: The bomber will enhance India's airborne strength, helping counterbalance the US, China, and Russia in the Indo-Pacific.
The Defence Ministry and Air Force have named this initiative 'Ultra Long-Range Strike Aircraft' or ULRA, currently in the concept and design phase, with initial research and dummy models underway. The first prototype is anticipated to fly between 2032-2035.
view comments
First Published:
July 16, 2025, 14:12 IST
Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Mint
8 minutes ago
- Mint
Srinath Raghavan unpacks Indira Gandhi's controversial legacy during the Emergency years
I am a child of the Indira Gandhi era. Through my formative years, she was Prime Minister. Until 1977, it never occurred to me that men could aspire to this position. Consider what an amazing reversal this is in a patriarchal, misogynistic society—that a little girl thought that only women could lead her country. Of course, this was always with the chorus of Indian male voices saying derisively, 'That woman (this or that) …" Even back then, I knew that tone was reserved for women—women drivers, women managers, women entrepreneurs and, of course, women Prime Ministers. No matter, as that little girl, I still wanted to be 'that woman." This book is not about 'that woman." The title, Indira Gandhi and the Years that Transformed India, is misleading. What it is, is a history of India from 1966-84. Also read: Let women reclaim the right to rage The prologue sets the stage, moving between Indira Gandhi's biography and a potted history of the first one-and-a-half decades after independence. In the first chapter, Srinath Raghavan traces the simultaneous decline of the Congress party's dominance and Gandhi's attempt to consolidate her position. It accounts for the economic crises of the mid-1960s and narrates the backstage machinations within the Congress, when Gandhi proved to be not such a 'gungi gudiya" (or 'dumb doll," as the socialist leader, Ram Manohar Lohia, called her) after all. The fractured mandate of 1967, the split in the Congress party and the 1972 election move the story forward. The detailed reconstruction of all of the attendant intrigue and controversy is quite remarkable. The outstanding chapter in the book—no surprise, given that Raghavan is a military historian—is the one on the 1971 war. The chapter weaves together the emerging story from East Pakistan, the international context and Gandhi's domestic challenges. If you had not read about this critical year in Indian history, these pages would be the place to start. It segues from the end of the war to the growing power of the Prime Minister and the way the argument began to build for the important constitutional amendment that was passed in 1977—the 42nd Amendment—and remains contentious. This Amendment added the words 'Socialist" and 'Secular" to the Preamble; added a part on Fundamental Duties of citizens; strengthened the Concurrent List at the expense of the State List; limited judicial review of laws; extended the duration of President's Rule to one year and that of the Lok Sabha to six years. Some of this was rolled back in subsequent amendments. Raghavan pays a great deal of attention to economic policy in this period, including bank nationalisation and the constitutional debates on property rights. It is interesting that the only mention of India's first nuclear tests in Pokharan in 1974 is this: '…the prime minister even burnished her Caesarist credentials by testing a nuclear device to rapturous applause." Given the way in which Raghavan reconstructs policy debates and decision-making, it would have been interesting to read more but perhaps, he chose to leave this out because others, such as Itty Abraham, George Perkovich, Kanti Bajpai and Bharat Karnad, have written extensively on this. The next chapter is devoted to Jayaprakash Narayan's movement that culminated in the Janata Party experiment. What came to be known as the JP movement was a mobilisation of student protests with the support of some opposition parties. They gained enough momentum to give the government pause and this became the pretext for the imposition of Emergency. Raghavan reserves his most colourful descriptions for this period—'The polar night of the emergency" and 'The dark and gnarled stretches that led to this decision"—almost as if we might miss the point that these were bad times. To use Indian newspaper headline language, there is virtually no one that Raghavan does not 'slam" in the Emergency chapter—from Indira Gandhi to Nani Palkhivala ('Such are the vagaries of the liberal conscience that Palkhivala not only agreed to appear for Indira Gandhi…") to Justices Y.V. Chandrachud and P.N. Bhagwati. The chapter on the Emergency recounts in parallel the programmes that the government promoted vigorously, the manoeuvres of an imprisoned and underground but coalescing opposition and, also, what came to be called the 'excesses" of Sanjay Gandhi's Youth Congress. Raghavan writes about the one-and-a-half years of the Janata Party government under Morarji Desai and Charan Singh just as unsparingly, making note of every intransigence, foible and egotistical assertion. The final chapter takes us from Gandhi's return to power in January 1980 to her assassination in October 1984. This is a period in which India was witness to growing unrest in three regions—Assam, over citizenship; Punjab, over the demand for a separate Sikh state; and Kashmir, where the push-pull of Centre-State relations was fomenting the conditions for the militancy that would come. Describing the world in which Gandhi came of age politically, the author writes, '…a wilfully cultivated aura of ruthlessness—as distinct from a highly developed instinct for power—was apparently her shield in an arena of politics shot through with gendered mores: one in which a woman prime minister could casually be called a 'gungi gudiya'... or a 'chokri' (derisive term for girl)." For all this gender sensitivity, in a nod to other writings on these years, he mentions five male authors but misses Nayantara Sahgal and Sagarika Ghose's work. When one later reads sexist phrases (most likely inadvertently used) like '…she did succeed in molesting the constitution" and 'More pregnant was her claim" (about the Congress mandate in 1971), it is hard to overlook them. That Raghavan is not a fan of Gandhi is made abundantly clear in the book, not just because the calculus of her political actions leads us to a critical appraisal but because his use of adjectives and adjectival clauses makes sure we know this. Writing about her first assumption of Prime Ministerial office, we are told about 'her shallow puddle of experience" and then the word 'Caesarist" appears over and over, sometimes as description and sometimes as explanation of other things. I would have enjoyed coming to a conclusion on my own based on the very detailed narrative he constructs, but then these were my formative years and perhaps unfamiliar readers need the signposts. Raghavan writes in his Prologue, '…this book was written in a time when a new political configuration was crystallizing in Indian democracy. It would be idle to suggest that my political views on this recent turn have not shaded this historical account… I have sought to write a history that 'supplies the antidote to every generation's illusion that its own problems are uniquely oppressive.'" He is also writing at a time when chunks of Indian history are literally being erased from our textbooks. This is a good book for those trying to fill in the blanks about a period to which everyone now refers but ever-fewer people remember first-hand. What we hear on official channels is a version where successive Indira Gandhi governments accomplished nothing but the oppression of today's rulers whose role in resisting the Emergency is lionised. Was Gandhi good or bad, the best or the worst? In our fact-free, nuance-free times, Raghavan's book makes an important contribution by writing in detail about the decision-making process on a number of policies—from the first stirrings of an idea or a crisis to the various points of view as they emerged and crystallised to the implementation and consequences of that idea. This lets us see that nothing about government is easy, even for 'Caesarist" Prime Ministers! On economic and foreign policy, and even on the question of constitutional amendment, despite his own disapproval, Raghavan lets us see someone who asks for opinions and considers them thoughtfully even though she ultimately follows her instinct. In fact, one of the strengths of the book is the dispassionate reconstruction of policy processes and outcomes. On bank nationalisation, for example, Raghavan says that while later writing has judged this as a politically expedient decision by Indira Gandhi, he also writes about its actual impact in giving the state access to more funds and taking the reach of the banking sector into rural India. Overall, I am not sure how accessible this book is for the general reader. Within the chapters, the narrative sometimes jumps around, almost requiring you to know this era to follow. The language is sometimes difficult and sometimes chatty. Reading about these years always feels personal to me. To encounter the years of one's life in another person's words is a strange experience because you want to jump in and say, 'I don't remember it like that" or 'I also remember this". Despite this personal connection, this book did not draw me in. What I missed was more quotations from Gandhi's own letters and notes. In a book titled 'Indira Gandhi," I missed her voice. The writing has a personal quality because the author has such a strong opinion of the protagonist-who-isn't and yet, it is impersonal (not dispassionate) as a textbook would be. This may be to your reading taste or not. That diminishes neither the solid historical research nor the astounding detail in which historical events are described in the book. Swarna Rajagopalan is a political scientist and peace educator. Also read: Writer Gideon Haigh on the foremost rivalry in cricket today
The Hindu
8 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Looking beyond the U.S. for college
Indian students have always viewed the U.S. as a top study destination. However, the ongoing visa challenges, growing concerns around job opportunities after graduation, rising costs, and shifting immigration policies are causing anxiety among applicants and parents. With this looming fear of 'what next', let's explore destinations beyond the U.S. Canada Pros: Appointment of a new Foreign Minister, Anita Anand, and three other Indian-origin leaders: Maninder Sidhu as Minister of International Trade, and Ruby Sahota and Randeep Sarai as Secretaries of State Recent improvements in India-Canada diplomatic relations Postgraduate work permit for up to three years and an easier pathway to permanent residence than most other countries. There is even an express entry route. Diversity, inclusion and a supportive environment for Indian students in the campuses Cons Increased financial documentation requirements and tighter visa rules. Since January 2024, there has been a significant increase in the required proof of funds amount to be shown for the Canadian study permit. Increase in the number of visa application rejections due to policy fluctuations Rising living costs and competition in large cities Germany Pros Approximately 2,300 English-taught programmes Public universities are tuition-free. Up to 18 months post study visa to look for a job. Geographically at the centre of Europe and well connected A strong economy and job market Cons Studienkolleg requirement: Indian high school qualifications (Class 12) are not directly eligible for most public Bachelor's programmes. Students must complete a one-year Studienkolleg foundation programme and pass the Feststellungsprüfung (FSP) before they can begin undergraduate studies. Some Studienkollegs accept B1 for entry, but this is rare and usually for private institutions. Public Studienkollegs often require B2 German. At the Master's level, no German language proficiency is required for admission. While courses are taught in English, German has to be learnt for daily life and work opportunities. Coursework is known to be demanding. Netherlands Pros Many English programmes available in top universities Acceptance rates are higher as compared to other countries. One year post-study work visa High quality of life Cons Coursework is demanding High living costs, especially in Amsterdam For citizenship A2 level of Dutch is required. It's beneficial to demonstrate an even higher level Ireland Pros Only English-speaking country in the European Union (post Brexit) Several major international companies have their European or EMEA (Europe, Middle East, and Africa) headquarters in Dublin Supportive multicultural environment in Dublin Cons Cost of living in Dublin Weather can be rainy, dark, and very cold in the winter Food can also be tough for Indians though more options keep opening up. New Zealand Pros Safe, student-friendly, and supportive environment English-speaking environment makes adjustment easier Pathway programme options allow you to study your dream subject even if you don't initially meet the entry criteria. Cons Far from India and a bit disconnected from the rest of the world. Can be slightly 'boring', as the cities are smaller and quieter. Dubai Pros Globally recognised Indian as well as international universities have campuses here Easy work permit availability for internships/part-time roles Safe, multicultural environment with a strong Indian presence Cons Weather can be harsh, especially in summer Restrictions around free speech and modest culture expectations Some institutions lack strong global rankings or focus on research Japan Pros High-quality education, strong global ranking, and a growing Indian student population Universities offering scholarships, English-taught programmes and favourable part-time work policies Recent growth in English-medium liberal arts programmes Safe, low-crime country Unique cultural immersion alongside technological advancement Cons Major language barrier; even in a city like Tokyo, getting by without Japanese can be an issue. Cultural norms may feel restrictive. Cold winters and high-pressure academic environment High living costs, especially in Tokyo With inputs from Kritika Malhotra The writer is Founder and CEO, Inomi Learning, a Gurugram-based career and college guidance firm. info@
Time of India
8 minutes ago
- Time of India
'Please...': SHOCKER From Zelensky, Admits Strike On Moscow A 'Grave Error'? Ukraine Urges Russia...
Hours after Russia launched a massive drone strike with over 300 drones and 30 cruise missiles on Ukraine, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy made a fresh appeal for peace and intensified talks. Zelenskyy confirmed ongoing negotiations over prisoner swaps and urged Russia to stop avoiding critical decisions to achieve a lasting ceasefire. The Russian attack followed Ukraine's drone strike on Moscow earlier the same day. Watch Read More
