Kashmir-based Islamic bodies upset by Shia cleric Imran Ansari remarks, calls for boycott
In a joint statement, the MMU, headed by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, said it was deeply anguished and strongly condemned deliberate provocations by Mr. Ansari. 'The MMU had refrained from naming the individual, hoping that he would reflect and correct his malicious intent. However, instead of rectifying, Mr. Ansari has now publicly resorted to openly abusing and disrespecting the revered companions of the Prophet,' it alleged.
The MMU termed the reported remarks of Mr. Ansari 'absolutely unacceptable' and 'a direct attack on the foundations of Islamic unity, ethics, and mutual respect'.
'It will not be tolerated. The MMU strongly urges the authorities to initiate immediate legal action against Mr. Ansari for inciting communal disharmony and hurting the religious sentiments of the Muslim community,' the MMU said.
All member scholars of the MMU, Sunni and Shia alike, have taken a unanimous decision to boycott Mr. Ansari until he publicly apologises and withdraws his statements. 'No platform, religious gathering, or public event associated with MMU or its constituents will host or endorse him till then,' the MMU added, while asking all to maintain unity and calm.
Several Shia clerics, including Aga Syed Hassan Al Moosvi, Molvi Masroor Abbas Ansari, Aga Syed Mohammad Hadi Al Moosvi Hadi, have also distanced themselves from Mr. Ansari's statements. National Conference (NC) MP and Shia cleric Aga Syed Ruhullah also condemned Mr. Ansari for his remarks.
'Ayatullah Khamenie has issued a decree (fatwa) that it is forbidden (Haram) to insult Khulafa Rashideen or Sacred Tenets or Sanctities of Ahl al-Sunnah. If you (Mr. Ansari) are so much inspired by his leadership, stop doing what is forbidden. And stop using religion for your personal benefit,' MP Ansari said.
Responding to the MMU statement, Mr. Ansari, in a statement, said, 'A video clip has recently circulated online, accompanied by claims that have spoken ill of the Sahabah. I want to state, plainly and without ambiguity, that this allegation is unfounded. The interpretation being pushed onto my words is not only inaccurate but also ignores the broader context and intent of what was said.'
He said the path toward any meaningful unity within the Muslim Ummah 'must begin with mutual respect, not with provocation, distortion, or sectarian one-upmanship'.
'My focus has always been on building understanding where there is confusion and promoting unity where there is disarray. The video in question, while selectively edited and misrepresented, may have struck a nerve for some. I acknowledge that, but I reiterate: no disrespect was intended, and any claim to the contrary is baseless, and I was not aiming at disrespecting any Sahaba, nor did I intend to mention one,' Mr. Ansari said.
He said a certain individual or the handful of Shia organisations, who are attempting to stifle voices of conviction in the name of unity, 'are not serving the Ummah but betraying Bibi Fatima'.
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The Hindu
17 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Government committed to destroying entire network radicalising youth: J&K L-G Manoj Sinha
Jammu and Kashmir Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha on Sunday (July 20, 2025) asked the people of the Union Territory to wage a war against terrorism unitedly, while underlining his resolve to eliminate the ecosystem fuelling terror. "We must unite and wage a war against terrorism, its eco-system and drug addiction. It is my firm resolve to eliminate the ecosystem fuelling terrorism, and destroy the entire network responsible for radicalising youth, supplying weapons, funding, targeting, and assisting terrorists," Mr. Sinha said. He was addressing the flag-in ceremony of cycle race 'Pedal Through Paradise' organised by J&K Police. He said 'Pedal Through Paradise' is not just a sporting event, but a symbol of new Jammu and Kashmir. "It sends a powerful message to youth to choose the path of progress over violence and drug addiction. I urge them to contribute towards building a terrorism-free, drug-free and fit J&K," the L-G said. He said J&K Police stands as a testament to selfless service, duty and sacrifice. "Its legacy is written by blood of its brave personnel, whose ultimate sacrifices have strengthened national unity, established peace, inspired new hope and propelled J-K towards an era of peace and prosperity," he added. He commended the police for the initiative, saying it aims to nurture new dreams, instil new strength and create new aspirations in the lives of our youth. Mr. Sinha said in the last five-six years, J-K Police has contributed a lot in establishing peace, strengthening national unity, and in creating new dreams for the people. "We do not believe in buying peace, but in establishing peace," he said, adding a vow has been taken in the last few years that innocents will not be touched, but guilty will not be spared. The LG said the police have a crucial role in destroying the support system of terrorists be it financial or logistical. "It is not just the terrorist who needs to be dealt with, but also the entire machinery that facilitates terror," he said. Referring to transformation in Jammu and Kashmir over the last few years, the LG said the vision of 'Naya' (new) Jammu and Kashmir is not just a slogan as some people criticise. "I want to remind them the picture before five-six years, they will understand the difference between the old and new J&K. In the new J-K, pens have replaced stones in the hands of youth. Schools and colleges remain open year-round in the new J&K. "In the new J&K, hartal and bandh calendars have been replaced by the calendars of national and international events," he said. "In the new J&K, our youth are achieving new milestones in innovation and research. Our youth are focussing on start ups in new J-K and starting their business ventures. In the new J-K, slogans of separatism are not raised, they have been replaced by the fusion of factories and new vibes of life," Mr. Sinha added. He said the people are now living life on their own terms without any fear or pressure. "There is night life like Delhi and Mumbai, and families spend time till late night in places like Lal Chowk, and Jhelum River Front. In the new J&K, the citizens now do not have to go to Jammu, Chandigarh or Delhi to watch cinema. These are not small changes, it is the dawn of a new era for J&K," he said. Pointing to the violence in Kashmir in the last few decades, the L-G said Pakistani terrorists have spilled blood of innocent citizens of J&K, and many families lost their loved ones to terrorism. "In some homes, only elderly parents remain after their sons were brutally killed. Thousands were killed at the behest of Pakistan. But in most cases, not even FIRs were registered," he said. Mr. Sinha said thousands remained silent because of the fear of terror ecosystem. "We have started a process to change that situation. The civil and police administration have started an initiative to provide justice to those families. On July 13, 40 terror victim families in Baramulla were provided with government job appointment letters. "It is an irony for J&K that jobs were provided to terrorists or those linked to terror, but those youth or families who were victims of Pakistani terrorism were left to fend for themselves. But, now their empowerment is being ensured. This process of delivering justice will continue in the coming days," he added.
The Print
an hour ago
- The Print
18 Muslim women made it to Lok Sabha since independence; 13 of them dynasts: Book
From royalty to a tea vendor-turned-politician's wife and from a first lady to a Bengali actress, the 18 Muslim women who treaded the hallowed corridors of power in the Lok Sabha are an eclectic mix, with each of them having an interesting backstory, but one common thread — their path to power was always strewn with struggle and hurdles. And while dynastic politics may not be conducive for democracy to deepen its roots, it has played a positive part in giving chances to Muslim women, with 13 out of the 18 being from political families. New Delhi, Jul 20 (PTI) That women were always under-represented in the Lok Sabha is a known fact, but Muslim women members have been a greater rarity with only 18 making it to the Lower House since independence, according to a new book. The story of these 18 Muslim women has been chronicled in an upcoming book– 'Missing from the House — Muslim women in the Lok Sabha' by Rasheed Kidwai and Ambar Kumar Ghosh. Kidwai says he wanted to document the profile of 20 Muslim women who made it to the Lower House, but two of them — Subhasini Ali and Afrin Ali — had openly proclaimed that they did not follow Islam. 'Only eighteen Muslim women have made it to the Lok Sabha since the first parliamentary polls in 1951-52. It is a shockingly abysmal figure, considering Muslim women are about 7.1 per cent of India's 146 crore population. Out of the 18 Lok Sabhas constituted till 2025, five times the Lok Sabha did not have a single Muslim woman member,' Kidwai and Ghosh write in their book, published by Juggernaut and will be released next month. Equally shocking is the fact that the number of Muslim women elected to Parliament in one tenure never crossed the mark of four in the 543-seat lower house of Parliament, the book points out. The book also notes that none of the five southern states — Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana — otherwise known for better political representation than the North and with better literary levels and other socio-economic indicators, have not yet sent a single Muslim woman MP to the Lok Sabha. The 18 Muslim women who made it to the Lok Sabha include Mofida Ahmed (1957, Congress); Zohraben Akbarbhai Chavda (Congress, 1962-67); Maimoona Sultan (Congress, 1957-67); Begum Akbar Jehan Abdullah (National Conference, 1977-79, 1984-89); Rashida Haque (Congress 1977-79); Mohsina Kidwai (Congress, 1977-89); Abida Ahmed (Congress, 1981-89); Noor Bano (Congress, 1996, 1999-2004); Rubab Sayda (Samajwadi Party, 2004-09); and Mehbooba Mufti (People's Democratic Party, 2004-09, 2014-19). The other Muslim women who entered the Lower House are Tabassum Hasan (Samajwadi Party, Lok Dal, Bahujan Samaj Party 2009-14); Mausam Noor (Trinamool Congress 2009-19); Kaisar Jahan (Bahujan Samaj Party, 2009-14); Mamtaz Sanghamita (Trinamool Congress 2014-19); Sajda Ahmed (Trinamool Congress 2014-24); Ranee Narah (Congress, 1998-2004, 2009-14); Nusrat Jahan Ruhi (Trinamool Congress, 2019-24); and Iqra Hasan (Samajwadi Party, 2024-present). A dominant political figure who made an indelible mark on Indian politics was Mohsina Kidwai. She not only entered the Lok Sabha but also went on to join the council of ministers and hold several portfolios, including labour, health and family welfare, rural development, transport and urban development. Another fascinating personality that the book talks about is the wife of Mohammad Jasmir Ansari, a tea vendor-turned-politician. In 2009, Kaisar Jahan, wife of Ansari, won a fiercely fought four-corner contest even though she had barely thirty-five days to prepare and campaign. As 2009 Lok Sabha polls neared, Mayawati summoned MLA Jasmir and Kaisar Jahan to Lucknow. 'Jasmir and Kaisar stopped at 'Sharmaji ki Chai' in Hazratganj before heading to the chief minister's residence. Jasmir was anticipating a ministerial position, but instead, Mayawati came straight to the point by asking him to contest the polls. The lingering taste of chai vanished quickly as Jasmir struggled, looking tentatively at his wife for an answer. Mayawati, a politician among politicians, sensed his unease. She directly asked Kaisar: 'Tu ladegi? The answer came immediately and spontaneously from both Jasmir and Kaisar-yes,' the book narrates. There is also a first lady among the 18 Muslim women – Begum Abida Ahmed, wife of the country's fifth president, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed. Over four years after Ahmed passed away in 1977, Abida Ahmed agreed to fight a Lok Sabha by-election from Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh, in 1981 and won, becoming the first and only First Lady of India to have entered the competitive arena of politics. She won again in 1984, making it two in a row from Bareilly. Begum Noor Bano, originally Mahatab Zamani and the widow of the former ruler of Rampur, was royalty who was a key figure in the political landscape of that area and fought many battles with Azam Khan of the Samajwadi Party and Jaya Prada, who also contested on an SP ticket. Her husband, Nawab Syed Zulfikar Ali Khan Bahadur, belonged to the Rohilla dynasty and was popularly addressed as 'Mickey Mian'. He was killed in a freak road accident in 1992 while returning from New Delhi to Rampur. Noor Bano won the 1996 and 1999 Lok Sabha polls, but her electoral battles with Jaya Prada in 2004 and 2009 ended in defeats. Among the 18 Muslim women, Bengali actress Nusrat Jahan Ruhi also broke a number of glass ceilings as she went on to win the Lok Sabha polls on a TMC ticket in 2019. In the current Lok Sabha, there is just one Muslim woman MP, and that is SP's Iqra Hasan Choudhury. From earning the distinction of being one of the youngest MPs after defeating a veteran leader from the BJP to becoming the centre of social media discussion as a young, London-educated Muslim woman leader, Iqra Hasan has appeared to have carved out a space for herself in the public imagination. In his foreword to the book, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor writes, 'Nearly seventy-eight years have passed since that portentous stroke of midnight on 15 August 1947, when Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru proclaimed a 'tryst with destiny' and India awakened to 'life and freedom.' …Yet even after almost eight decades, a shameful reality, which should deflate our self-congratulatory fervour over our democratic track record, still haunts us.' 'Not everyone has found 'utterance' in the world's largest democracy, many of whose towering leaders eulogize it as the 'Mother of Democracy.' This self-serving description is enabled, in part, by a too-pliant news media, an ineffectual civil society and a menaced academic class, so that no one dares point out the irony inherent in the claim,' Tharoor says. 'Although we depict India as a doting mother nurturing and nourishing a clamorous, combative and chaotic republic, corrupt and inefficient, perhaps, but nonetheless flourishing, the truth is that throughout our democratic history, we have consistently failed our women citizens: failed to afford them, in the thoroughfares of our country, a life of dignity and decency,' he says. PTI ASK RHL RHL This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.
Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
From the Opinions Editor: NCERT textbook revisions — a point-to-point counter isn't enough
Dear Readers, Revision of social science textbooks, especially history readers, has become par for the course. Most times, this exercise is not guided by the scholarly imperative to mirror developments in knowledge. Instead, it seems to bear the ideological hallmarks of those in power. Textbooks have borne this burden for long. However, there's still a difference in today's restructuring of reading material compared to schoolbook rewriting exercises of the past. In the last five years, parts of history textbooks have been either excised or modified and the changes have been ascribed to a variety of factors – from rationalising content to reducing the burden on students. These exercises claim to be motivated by a desire to ensure student 'well-being', but carry imprints of the ruling regime's anxiety to flatten social complexities. Introduced last week, the latest changes, dotted with references to the 'brutality' of medieval Muslim kings, carry a disclaimer, 'Notes on Some Darker Periods of History' : 'No one no one should be held responsible today for events of the past. The emphasis is on an honest approach to history with a view to drawing important lessons for a better future.' Historians have rightly underlined that the account is not as 'honest' as it claims to be. The selective references to destruction of places of worship by Muslim kings has not gone unnoticed. Scholars have rightly pointed out that such violence was not uncommon across a variety of ruling dispensations in ancient and medieval times. These are significant interventions. Yet, there is a broader challenge for historians: To underline the fundamental differences between the social and moral universe of pre-modern times with today's norms. Kings and sultans were not accountable for their actions, statecraft had very different objectives and wars were often critical to empire-building. All this is historical common sense. However, it's yet to become a general common sense. Narratives of the pre-modern era continue to be framed around heroes and villains. The search for a protonationalist in Ashoka, Akbar or Shivaji – depending on ideological inclination –and describing a Mahmud of Ghazni or Allaudin Khalji or Aurangzeb as evil might seem somewhat different endeavours. But both approaches obscure an understanding of epochs, much removed in time – Mahmud of Ghazini lived in the 10th-11th centuries, the Khaljis in the 13th and 14th century and the last great Mughal ruled from 1658-1707. That the latest revisions in textbooks bracket a more than 500-year period under the shibboleth of 'Dark Age' shows that even a section of historians – affiliated to the ruling regime – carry such blinkers. The challenge, in large measure, has to do with a historiographical deficit, plugging which remains a work in progress. Indian historians have produced groundbreaking studies on the extractive nature of medieval kingdoms, the ebbs and flows of commerce, the caste system and rise of kingdoms far away from sultanates in Delhi. Yet, an understanding of violence in pre-modern times is a relatively recent historiographical pursuit. Charges of destruction of places of worship continue to be countered by narratives which stress the political impulses behind such violence – as opposed to religious motives. The standard response also is that instances of destruction of places of worship by sultans and badshahs were far fewer, compared to the grants they gave to temples and monasteries. A historian should, of course, be judged by her fealty to facts. Viewed from that perspective, there is nothing wrong in how most professional historians have responded to allegations of 'brutality' levied on Islamic kings. However, today the challenge in classrooms – and beyond – is not just to provide a point-to-point counter. The internet, political propaganda, social media, films and TV make lives information heavy. Whatsapp chats have precipitated the collapse of some of the traditional filters on information. How can narratives that place violence in medieval times in their historical context help? Why do people need to understand the complexities of times when rulers could destroy some temples and give grants to many others? What purpose would it serve to depict Mughal, and several other, rulers as complex personalities who had the blood of their kin on their hand and yet presided over great cultural refinement? Why tell the stories of Shivaji's successors who struck terror in people in Bengal? Studies placing personalities in their times are, of course, needed for purely epistemological purposes. History is at its most vigorous, when it not only celebrates the resilience of societies but also tries to understand fault lines. The search for syncretism in medieval times was driven by a young nation's desire to place a salve on the wounds of Partition as well as the imperative to counter the colonial historian's charge that Indian history, before the arrival of Britishers, was nothing but an account of communal feuding. Histories of pre-modern violence, not prejudiced by colonial blinkers and innocent of sectarian agendas, have been few and they have not gone beyond academia. But why disturb the student's 'well-being' by introducing such complexities in textbooks? The latest changes have been introduced in Class VIII textbooks – a time when youngsters step into their teens. They are introduced to complicated concepts in mathematics and science – cell division, for instance. Why not in the social sciences? A textbook is perhaps the only text of history that a large majority of people, who do not engage with the discipline for professional purposes, will encounter in their lives – while they would be inundated with myriad accounts of the past. Critics of the revisions are, therefore, right in underlining the importance of rigour in reading materials. The task also is to find ways to communicate the complexity that informs their scholarship outside select circles – a difficult yet necessary imperative for the historian, inside and outside academia. Till next time, Kaushik
