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Israel considers full Gaza takeover as more die of hunger

Israel considers full Gaza takeover as more die of hunger

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu favours a complete military takeover of Gaza for the first time in two decades, media reported, and was to meet senior security officials on Tuesday to finalise a new strategy in the 22-month war.
Mediation between Israel and Palestinian militant group Hamas has collapsed despite intense international pressure for a ceasefire to ease hunger and appalling conditions in the besieged Palestinian enclave.
Eight more people died of starvation or malnutrition in the past 24 hours, Gaza's health ministry said, while another 79 died in the latest Israeli fire.
Netanyahu was to meet Defence Minister Israel Katz and military Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir to decide on a strategy to take to cabinet later this week, an Israeli official told Reuters. Strategic Affairs Minister Rob Dermer, a confidant of Netanyahu, would also be present.
Israel's Channel 12, citing an official from Netanyahu's office, said the prime minister was leaning towards taking control of the entire territory. That would reverse a 2005 decision to pull settlers and military out of Gaza while retaining control over its borders, a move right-wing parties blame for Hamas gaining power there.
Palestinians ride on a truck loaded with food and humanitarian aid as it moves along the Morag corridor near Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip. Picture: AP Photo/Mariam Dagga
It was unclear, however, whether Netanyahu was foreseeing a prolonged occupation or a short-term operation aimed at dismantling Hamas and freeing Israeli hostages. The prime minister's office did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the Channel 12 report.
A Palestinian official said it may be a tactic to pressure Hamas into concessions, while the Palestinian Foreign Ministry urged foreign nations to take heed of the reports.
"The ministry urges countries and the international community to treat these leaks with utmost seriousness and to intervene urgently to prevent their implementation, whether these leaks are meant to exert pressure, test international reactions, or are genuine and serious," it said.
Strained military
Israel's coalition government, the most right-wing and religiously conservative in its history, includes far-right politicians who advocate for the annexation of both Gaza and the West Bank and encourage Palestinians to leave their homeland.
Nearly two years of fighting in Gaza has strained the military, which has a small standing army and has had to repeatedly mobilise reservists. It has throughout the war pushed back against the idea of Israel fully occupying Gaza and establishing military rule.
In a sign of differences between some members of Israel's ruling coalition and the military, far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir on X challenged military head Zamir to state he would comply with government directives even if a decision was made to take all of Gaza.
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. File Picture: AP Photo/Alex Brandon
Foreign Minister Gideon Saar then said the military chief must give his professional opinion, while Defence Minister Katz weighed in to say the military would professionally implement whatever policy the government set.
"Defeating Hamas in Gaza, while creating the conditions for the return of the hostages, are the central goals of the war in Gaza, and we must take all necessary actions to achieve them," Katz said.
The war was triggered when Hamas-led militants on October 7, 2023, attacked Israel, killing around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and capturing 251 hostages, taking them into Gaza.
Israel's military response has devastated the tiny, crowded enclave, killing more than 61,000 people - mostly civilians - according to Palestinian health authorities.
Hunger
Israel's campaign has forced nearly all of Gaza's over 2 million people from their homes and caused what a global hunger monitor called last week an unfolding famine.
Some 188 Palestinians, including 94 children, have died from hunger since the war began, according to Gaza authorities.
An Israeli security official, in a briefing to reporters, acknowledged there may be hunger in some parts of Gaza but rejected reports of famine or starvation.
Palestinians carry the body of one of the people who were killed while trying to reach aid trucks entering northern Gaza Strip through the Zikim crossing with Israel, as they stand in the morgue of Shifa Hospital in Gaza City. Picture: AP Photo/Jehad Alshrafi
International anger at the suffering in Gaza has prompted several countries to recognise or announce their intention to recognise Palestine as an independent state.
On Tuesday, Israeli tanks pushed into central Gaza but it was not clear if the move was part of a larger ground offensive.
Palestinians living in the last quarter of territory where Israel has not yet taken military control - via ground incursions or orders for civilians to leave - said any new push would be catastrophic.
"If the tanks pushed through, where would we go, into the sea? This will be like a death sentence to the entire population," said Abu Jehad, a Gaza wood merchant.
The failed mediation in Doha had aimed to clinch agreements on a U.S.-backed proposal for a 60-day truce, during which aid would be flown into Gaza and half of the hostages Hamas is holding would be freed in exchange for Palestinian prisoners in Israel.
- Reuters
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Slovenia introduces ban on imports from Israeli-occupied territories

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Will recognition of Palestine as a state make a real difference?
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time4 hours ago

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Will recognition of Palestine as a state make a real difference?

Analysis: The growing wave of recognition of Palestine marks a strategic turning point which could open new opportunities for Palestinian statehood The recent recognition of Palestine by France has attracted global attention and has subsequently influenced the stance of the UK, Canada and several EU member states. This follows the recognition of Palestine as a state by Ireland in May 2024. While most countries have welcomed these decisions, viewing them as important tools to pressure Israel to halt the genocide in Gaza, many pro-Palestinian groups see these acts of political recognition as merely symbolic and performative. The US and Israel oppose the recognition of Palestine, claiming it undermines rather than helps conflict resolution. Will this recent wave of recognition of Palestine make a real difference? From RTÉ Radio 1's This Week, will a promise by three G7 countries to recognise the State of Palestine change anything in Gaza? What does diplomatic recognition mean? Diplomatic recognition is seen as a double-edged phenomenon in world politics. It can lead to the birth or even the demise of a state. It can be the cause of both war and peace. It can be a source of justice, but it can also lead to discrimination and oppression. It can act as a constraint on expanding the state and international order, but it can also foster collective self-determination and liberation. In essence, it can reinforce existing state systems but also serve as an open space for normative change and emancipation. The recognition of a state is loosely regulated in international law, and it has been subject to many debates and controversies. There is no consensus on who is entitled to statehood and recognition, who is authorised to recognise states, how many and whether diplomatic recognition makes states. States do not have codified policies and often coat their political decisions with different normative and geopolitical justifications. Thus, recognition has always been and likely will continue to be a flexible political instrument: a bargaining chip for national interests, a retaliatory measure to discipline norm-breaking states, a symbol of shifting alliances, or, on the positive side, an empowering act to foster peace, justice, and address past injustices. 'A powerful tool in diplomacy' Yet diplomatic recognition has proven to be a powerful tool in diplomacy time and again. Opponents of Palestine recognition tend to minimise the significance of such acts, while supporters view it as insufficient to end the war, establish peace and achieve Palestinian statehood. But both are mistaken. Although recognition might be a performative speech act, it is not disconnected from the real world. It is a spoken and written declaration that creates new political realities and has tangible real-world consequences. Recognition acts as a foundation for diplomatic relations. 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Now that France and the UK are likely to formalise their announced recognition of Palestine, the US will be the only UN Security Council permanent member to block Palestine's UN membership. From RTÉ Radio 1's Morning Ireland, Eithne Dodd speaks to Palestinians in Ireland about the Government's formal recognition of a Palestinian state Recognition by France, the UK and other countries can be a game changer. It will lead to further isolation of Israel and make it harder for the US to continue supporting Israel's destructive policies unconditionally. It also indicates that European powers are capable of exercising their strategic autonomy from the US and are not merely vassals to the US grand strategy despite close transatlantic ties. The current wave of recognition may also have regional implications, where the EU might gradually distance itself from Israel in terms of trade, research, and security. Furthermore, the growing support for Palestine sparked by the Gaza genocide, coupled with the increasing diplomatic recognition of the State of Palestine, may create opportunities previously thought unattainable. There will be heightened global focus on Israel's occupation and violence against Palestinians, alongside increased backing for the realisation of a viable Palestinian state. But, it is unlikely to secure full UN membership unless the US changes its position. The increasing cost of independent statehood While states might have an inalienable right to self-determination, their recognition by other states is unfortunately not a given. While some states or entities might be lucky and receive diplomatic recognition without much struggle, it is a very painful, unpredictable and costly endeavour for many groups. From Bangladesh and Eritrea to Timor-Leste, Kosovo and South Sudan, newly formed and recognised states have achieved their statehood only after enduring genocide-like repression by the base state. The more states recognise Palestine, the more they become invested in supporting the realisation of Palestinian statehood Palestine is perhaps an extreme case of securing gradual diplomatic recognition as compensation for decades-long suffering and injustices. The more states recognise Palestine, the more they become invested in supporting the realisation of Palestinian statehood. The power of recognition is not merely symbolic, but it can preserve the hope for statehood for cases such as Palestine. It can reverse the occupation of Palestinian territories and serve as moral compensation for the collective failure to protect civilians. But as long as issues related to statehood and recognition remain unregulated and governed by arbitrary state practices, we are likely to witness more prolonged statehood conflicts and higher costs for diplomatic recognition.

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