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Asharq Al-Awsat
8 hours ago
- Business
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Sharaa in First Interview with Jewish Newspaper: Stable Syria Will Not be Built Through Speeches, Slogans
Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa broke all barriers that surrounded ousted President Bashar al-Assad, when he spoke last week about his responsibilities and about Syria's domestic and foreign policy. He is direct in addressing taboo issues that were previously tackled with slogans in public and a different reality under the table, such as Syria's relationship with Israel and the latter's occupation of Syrian territory. Legacy of Assad Regime The last barrier Sharaa broke was an interview he made with a Jewish newspaper, the first since assuming power six months ago. The article, written by Jonathan Bass, was published by the Jewish Journal on May 28. 'Many Syrians see Sharaa not as a revolutionary but as a restorer, someone capable of stitching together a nation fatigued by war and fractured by identity. It is perhaps his very ordinariness, his refusal to play the strongman, despite his extremist former life, that makes him a man of the hour,' the Journal wrote. Bass said the Syrian President carries himself with quiet conviction. 'Sharaa is soft-spoken, but every word lands with deliberation. There is no triumph in his voice, only urgency,' he wrote. In the interview, Sharaa said, 'We have inherited more than ruins,' he said. 'We've inherited trauma, mistrust, and fatigue. But we have also inherited hope. Fragile, yes, but real.' For decades, Syria was ruled by a regime that confused loyalty with silence, coexistence with hate, and stability with suppression. The Assad dynasty, first Hafez and then Bashar, ruled with an iron grip, using fear and executions to cement control, while the country's institutions withered and dissent turned deadly. Bass said Sharaa is clear-eyed about the legacy he inherits. 'It would be dishonest to speak of a clean slate,' Sharaa said. 'The past is present, in the eyes of every person, on every street, in every family. But our duty now is not to repeat it. Not even as a softer version. We must create something entirely new.' Trust of Syrians According to Bass, Sharaa's early moves have been cautious, yet deeply symbolic. 'He has ordered the release of political prisoners, initiated dialogue with opposition groups once exiled or silenced, and pledged to reform Syria's notorious security apparatus,' he wrote at the Jewish Journal. 'His vision is that of a vibrant, multicultural, and pluralistic society. He supports the right of return for all Syrians whose assets were seized under the Assad regime,' Bass added. 'To uncover the truth behind Syria's mass graves, Sharaa recognizes the need for partnership with the United States to provide forensic technology and equipment, from establishing DNA databases to securing cooperation from those responsible for past atrocities,' the journalist wrote. Sharaa told the Journal, 'If I am the only one speaking, then Syria has learned nothing. We are inviting all voices to the table, secular, religious, tribal, academic, rural, and urban. The state must listen now more than it commands.' But will people trust again? Will they believe the promises of a government that rises from the ashes of dictatorship? 'I don't ask for trust,' he replied. 'I ask for patience and for scrutiny. Hold me accountable. Hold this process accountable. That is how trust will come.' When Bass asked the president what Syrians most need right now, he answered without hesitation: 'Dignity through work. Peace through purpose.' In towns emptied by war and villages still scarred by conflict, the cry is not for politics but for normalcy, the chance to rebuild homes, raise children, and earn a living in peace. Sharaa knows this, Bass wrote. He is pushing for emergency economic programs focused on job creation in agriculture, manufacturing, construction, and public services. 'It's not about ideology anymore,' Sharaa told the Journal. 'It's about giving people a reason to stay, a reason to live, and a reason to believe.' The Syrian President said, 'Every young man with a job is one less soul at risk of radicalization. Every child in school is a vote for the future.' He then emphasized partnerships with regional investors, microenterprise grants for returnees, and vocational training for youth who have known nothing but war. 'A stable Syria will not be built through speeches or slogans, it will be built through action: in the marketplace, in classrooms, on farms, and in workshops. We will rebuild supply chains. Syria will return as a hub for trade and commerce.' Relations with Israel Bass wrote there's a deeper insight behind Sharaa's economic vision: after a generation of loss, Syrians are tired of conflict. They crave peace, not just the absence of war, but the presence of opportunity. In one of the more delicate parts of our conversation, Sharaa addressed Syria's future relationship with Israel - a subject that has haunted the region since 1948 and intensified with each airstrike, covert operation, and accusation of proxy warfare. 'I want to be clear,' Sharaa said. 'The era of endless tit-for-tat bombings must end. No nation prospers when its skies are filled with fear. The reality is, we have common enemies, and we can play a major role in regional security.' He expressed a desire to return to the spirit of the 1974 Disengagement Agreement not merely as a ceasefire line, but as the foundation for mutual restraint and protection of civilians, especially the Druze communities in southern Syria and the Golan Heights. 'Syria's Druze are not pawns,' he said. 'They are citizens, deeply rooted, historically loyal, and deserving of every protection under the law. Their safety is non-negotiable.' While he stopped short of proposing immediate normalization, Sharaa signaled openness to future talks grounded in international law and sovereignty. Trump: Man of Peace Perhaps most notably, Sharaa voiced a bold diplomatic overture: his desire to sit down directly with former US President Donald Trump, Bass wrote. 'However the media portrays him,' Sharaa said, 'I see him as a man of peace. We've both been shot at by the same enemy. Trump understands leverage, strength, and outcomes. Syria needs an honest broker who can reset the conversation. If there is a possibility of alignment that helps bring stability to the region - and security to the US and its allies- I am ready to have that conversation. He is the only man capable of fixing this region, bringing us together, one brick at a time.' Commenting on Sharaa's statement, Bass said it was 'striking', not just for its candor, but for what it implied: the new Syria is not afraid to make unconventional moves in pursuit of peace and recognition. Sharaa does not sugarcoat Syria's challenges: more than a million dead in mass graves, 12 million displaced, an economy on life support, sanctions still in place, and rival militias entrenched in the north. 'This is not a fairy tale,' he said. 'It is a recovery. And recoveries are painful.'
Arab News
3 days ago
- Business
- Arab News
Why Turkiye welcomes an emerging Arab alliance
Historically, there have been periods when Turkiye and the Arab states were unable to harmonize their strategies and interests in the region. Political differences often overshadowed potential cooperation, and at times the Arab alliance failed to align with Turkiye's regional interests. There were also rare moments when Turkish-Arab cooperation proved to be effective and mutually beneficial. However, it appears that a new Arab alliance is emerging in the region among the historic capitals of Damascus, Baghdad, and Beirut. In a parallel shift, Turkish-Arab cooperation is achieving significant momentum with a harmony that serves mutual interests. The collapse of the Assad regime significantly influenced Syria's position within the Arab world. Coinciding with this shift, Lebanon has entered a new phase, with the election of a new president and the appointment of a prime minister after a two-year political deadlock. Meanwhile, Iraq, for the first time in years, has been positioning itself as a regional actor, not only mediating disputes but also facilitating economic cooperation. One common factor in the reemergence of these three countries in the Arab world order is the diminishing influence of Iran, which is particularly favorable for Ankara. Despite Ankara's ability to compartmentalize its relations with Tehran, Turkiye has been among the regional countries most uncomfortable with Iranian proxies in the region, especially in Iraq and beyond. Therefore, a region free from Iranian control is a strategic win for Turkiye. Moreover, one key element of this era emerging in the region is the intent to integrate Iran through dialogue, not isolation. Thus, containing Iran through diplomacy, not confrontation is an approach that Turkish and Arab perspectives share today. In Syria, the new government has been building strong political, economic, and defense ties with Ankara, marking a fresh chapter in Turkish-Syrian relations after more than a decade of hostility under the Assad regime. As Syria embarks on an uncertain path toward reintegration into the regional and international fold, there are some similarities with Iraq's post-Saddam experience. The new Syrian administration is eager to avoid the same instability that Iraq faced after the fall of Saddam, and Turkiye is keen to prevent a repeat of the post-Saddam scenario in Syria. Iran's diminishing influence is particularly favorable for Ankara Dr. Sinem Cengiz The lack of a coherent strategy between Ankara and Arab capitals in the past contributed to the rise of Iranian influence in Iraq and the prolonging of the instability caused by this. Today, Syria's path to stability has become a critical issue that aligns Turkish and Arab interests. Cooperation between Ankara and Arab powers could facilitate Syria's reconstruction and re-emergence. Moreover, stability in Syria is likely to have a significant impact on neighboring Iraq and Lebanon. In Iraq, the government led by Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani is shifting the country's status from being a victim of foreign interference to a platform for regional cooperation. Under Al-Sudani's leadership, Iraq is transforming its relationship with Turkiye from a security-oriented perspective to an economically integrated relationship. The launch of the 'Development Road' initiative in 2023, following a meeting between Al-Sudani and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, marked a significant shift in Turkish-Iraqi relations, which had long been dominated by issues of border security, Turkiye's conflict with Kurdish militants, and water resource management. Although Lebanon was not always a central focus in Turkiye's foreign policy, as Syria and Iraq have been, Turkiye now seems poised to deepen its relations with Lebanon, especially under the new government in Beirut. Turkiye is likely to play a crucial role in helping Lebanon integrate into new regional security and economic alliances. Turkiye recognizes the emerging Arab alliance and sees it as an opportunity rather than a threat. With the collapse of the Assad regime, Ankara has increased its efforts to build bridges between Damascus, Baghdad, and Beirut. In Ankara, there is a growing understanding that a cooperative relationship between these three capitals not only serves Turkiye's national security and economic interests but also promotes broader regional stability. Turkiye's regional strategy, while still ambitious, is carefully calibrated to avoid provoking Arab backlash, as Ankara understands that cooperation with regional states is essential for Syria's reconstruction, and for stability in Lebanon and Iraq. There are shared concerns against disruptive forces in the region Dr. Sinem Cengiz This new era, which is driven by cooperation rather than ideological rivalries and military conflicts, was evident during the recent visit of US President Donald Trump to the region. Trump saw a region where intra-GCC collaboration is growing, Turkish-Gulf relations are being bolstered, and a new alliance among the region's historic capitals is emerging. Today, both international incentives and regional shifts are also in favor of Turkiye and the Arab states. The global powers, namely the US, Russia, and China, are either focusing on different priorities or are limited in their ability to play a key role in the Middle East. This power vacuum provides an opportunity for Turkiye and Arab states to help regional countries such as Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon empower themselves in this new order. Additionally, there are shared concerns against disruptive forces in the region, such as Israel, which seeks to see a weakened Syria, and terrorist groups, such as Daesh, which aims to destabilize both Syria and Iraq through its activities along the porous border between the two states. A shared cooperative agenda between Turkiye and the closely aligned Arab states, particularly in security matters, would pave the way for closer political relations, mutually beneficial economic gains, and broader regional security cooperation. There is an urgent need to transform these newly emerging Arab alliances into institutionalized forms that will persist despite any regional shifts. For Ankara, this emerging Arab alliance comes at the right moment, with the right leaderships in place. • Dr. Sinem Cengiz is a Turkish political analyst who specializes in Turkiye's relations with the Middle East. X: @SinemCngz
New York Times
5 days ago
- Business
- New York Times
Syrian Freedom Is Dangerously Incomplete
Syrians across the country celebrated the fall of the Assad regime in December as a moment of joy and freedom. Next, President Trump made the welcome decision to suspend economic sanctions against our country, a move that will help alleviate years of suffering. But for Syria's many diverse peoples — including mine, the Kurds in the northeast — this remains a time of risk and anxiety. As a new Syria takes shape, we must ask: What kind of state will it be? Democratic or autocratic? Rights-respecting or repressive? I believe the answer lies in my region, where we have created what we consider to be a model of multiethnic direct democracy. Syria's new interim Constitution doesn't reflect this diversity. It doesn't fully protect the rights of Syria's minorities or women, and it declares that Islamic law is the source for all national law in a highly centralized state. This is a dangerous development. Syria's history of autocracy, repression and rule by one ethnic group, to the exclusion of others, is a history of failure. We need a new constitutional process to produce a document that guarantees power sharing, safeguards political freedoms, decentralizes governance and allows for full democratic participation, regardless of religion, ethnicity or gender. This very democratic model was born in the early days of the Syrian revolution, when my region, which we formally call the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, achieved autonomy, in 2012. Also known by its Kurdish name, Rojava, the area makes up nearly one-third of Syria and is home to almost two million Kurds. But like the rest of Syria, it is also home to Arabs, Alawites, Armenians, Druse, Chechens and other ethnic groups. It includes many religions, with Shia and Sunni Muslims, Yazidis and a diverse range of Assyrian, Syriac, Chaldean and other ancient Christian traditions, as well as secularists. Under our administration, ethnic groups are legally protected, and women are given a leading role in policymaking and society. In a part of the world with a history of autocracy and repression, we believe our system could serve as a model not only for Syria but also for the entire Middle East. Different communities have a say in our government through a power-sharing arrangement in which every administrative position — from local mayoralties to the executive council of the entire region — is jointly held by a man and a woman of different ethnicities. Citizens meet in assemblies to govern their neighborhoods, villages and towns and send delegates to regional councils. Local committees help shape policy on health, education, defense, sports, women's rights and more. Our regional Constitution, which we call a social contract, guarantees equal rights for all. The system is not perfect. Despite our efforts at redistributing land once held by the Assad regime, there is still too much economic inequality. We suffer from antiquated infrastructure, serious environmental problems and a dearth of economic investment — all exacerbated by more than 12 years of war. We must work harder to get more people involved at the local level and to carry out our commitment to ecological awareness. But democracy is something that takes practice. Our commitment to democracy and women's rights gave us the strength to fight the Islamic State, which we have defeated, with American military support, thanks to 14,000 of our young men and women who gave their lives in battle. What can other countries in the region learn from our system? Arabic was once the only official language in Syria; we teach students in three official languages: Arabic, Kurdish and Syriac. We have an independent, free, robust media that is protected in our social contract. We employ a restorative justice system that includes the Mala Jin (women's houses), where families can work out domestic problems with the advice and help of female elders. We encourage the full expression of ethnic culture, religion and dress. We don't demand that women wear their clothes in a certain way. Women hold half of legislative seats and government jobs and take leadership positions in all institutions — military, political, economic and social. Our experience provides valuable lessons for Syria's political future. Centralized control, instituted by the French authorities who once dominated Syria, has been a disaster, as it has for so many similarly diverse countries in the Middle East. The postcolonial legacy has failed the Middle East time and time again. It makes much more sense to allow regions to govern themselves according to their own needs and traditions within a unified nation. We signed an agreement with Damascus in March stating our intention to integrate our institutions and armed forces into the new administration, and the interim president, Ahmed al-Shara, in turn, agreed to the right to representation of all Syrians in the new government, a cease-fire on all Syrian territory and a promise that all displaced Syrians would be able to return to their towns and villages. These commitments are welcome and will contribute to stability in the country. But the interim Constitution, which Mr. al-Shara signed in March, with elections scheduled to be held in five years, threatens to undermine these good intentions. Largely created by those involved in Mr. al-Shara's former rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, it allows for the curtailing of civil rights, including religious rights, if they are deemed to infringe on public order. There are inadequate checks and balances on the executive, who is given supreme power to appoint judges and one-third of the legislature. I am deeply concerned by these policies. Fault lines in the country since Assad's fall are already beginning to show. The terrible violence on Syria's coast in March, in which more than 1,600 civilians were killed, mostly Alawites, and more recent aggression against the Druse community south of Damascus underline the need for a new democratic constitutional process. The new Syria must, from the outset, include everyone. The Trump administration and U.S. Congress have a historic opportunity to help us build such a government in Syria. It would not only help Syrians but also provide a blueprint for the entire Middle East.
Al Bawaba
6 days ago
- Politics
- Al Bawaba
Video: Man organizes a barbecue next to Hafez Assad's grave
Published May 27th, 2025 - 08:06 GMT ALBAWABA - A video circulated online showing a young man from the Qardaha city in Syria holding a barbecue party next to the grave of Hafez Assad. The man appeared in the video standing with a group of his friends next to Hafez Assad's grave in the Qardaha area of Syria, then he prepared a barbecue and placed the meat on it. In the clip, the Syrian man was heard saying: "I am doing BBQ over the grave of Hafez," then he tells the camera person: "Come and see the meat. I'm doing a barbecue next to Hafez's grave." Then he mockingly speaks to the former Syrian president: "Hafez, if you can hear me, come and grab a bite." Since the fall of the Syrian Assad regime, which lasted for over 50 years, on Dec. 8, 2024, Syrians have been destroying all the statues that have any ties with the ex-rulers, like Hafez Assad or Bashar Assad. They also tore down all pictures and posters from the streets and government institutions, or offices. © 2000 - 2025 Al Bawaba (
Washington Post
20-05-2025
- Business
- Washington Post
The EU says it will lift sanctions on Syria but leave those on the former Assad regime
BARCELONA — The European Union will lift sanctions on Syria's economy but keep those in place targeting the former Assad regime, the EU's top diplomat announced Tuesday. Foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas spoke after chairing a meeting of foreign ministers from the 27-member bloc. She said the decision was designed to avert poverty and radicalism in the country after more than a decade of civil war sent millions fleeing, including to Europe.
