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The National
5 hours ago
- Politics
- The National
Syria's elections must be about more than filling seats
Syria's transitional authorities have announced indirect parliamentary elections for September, the first since the fall of Bashar Al Assad 's government. After more than a decade of war, fragmentation and failed peace efforts, the revival of parliamentary life represents both a critical turning point and a rare glimmer of hope. On paper, the process offers modest but meaningful improvements over previous transitional efforts. It promises broader representation, multiple consultative phases, appeal mechanisms and an attempt to boost women's participation. Yet these promising elements are clouded by structural ambiguities and unresolved questions. Who will select the powerful electoral subcommittees, and by what criteria? How will representation quotas be enforced? What voice will areas beyond Damascus's control have? And crucially, who will ensure independent oversight to guarantee credibility? Without clear answers and genuine transparency, these elections risk becoming another top-down exercise – reinforcing public cynicism rather than restoring trust. The process was formally set in motion on June 13, when interim President Ahmad Al Shara announced the formation of an 11-member Supreme Committee for People's Assembly Elections. This body is tasked with designing and overseeing an indirect electoral system based on electoral colleges, not public voting, to form the new assembly. Originally set at 150 members, the assembly's size was expanded to 210 under a draft electoral law submitted to Mr Al Shara on July 26. Two thirds of the members will be chosen through the committee-led process, while one third will be appointed directly by the interim President. Once the draft law is approved, the Supreme Committee will have one week to establish two-member subcommittees in each of Syria's 14 governorates. These bodies will then have 15 days to form district-level electoral colleges, whose size will depend on the number of seats allocated to each district. Seat distribution at both the governorate and district levels will be based on 2010 census data. Only electoral college members can run for, and vote in, these district elections. Voting for the 210-member People's Assembly is scheduled between September 15 and 20. Notably, the committee's composition and participatory approach mark a departure from previous transitional efforts. Crucially, it moves away from the dominance of a single actor – most notably Hayat Tahrir Al Sham – that characterised earlier initiatives. The current 11-member body is more diverse: seven members formerly affiliated with the formal opposition, two linked to the HTS-led Salvation Government, and two independent civic figures. While the inclusion of just two women falls far short of equitable, it nonetheless represents a modest step towards greater female participation. Procedurally, the committee has adopted a more transparent and consultative stance than many of its predecessors. It has held public forums and provincial outreach meetings to present its proposed electoral framework and solicit feedback. Several procedural safeguards have also been introduced, including a period for submitting objections related to the selection of electoral bodies and candidate nominations, as well as the establishment of appeal committees to review these challenges. The committee has also committed to enforcing representation quotas, including a minimum of 20 per cent for women and 2-3 per cent for people with disabilities. Syria's legislative reboot is urgently needed to break from the legal and political legacy of the former establishment Beneath the surface, however, the process remains fraught with significant ambiguities. Despite the committee's outreach efforts, critical questions remain unanswered, particularly regarding the formation of provincial electoral subcommittees. While officials claim these bodies will be neutral and thoroughly vetted, there is no clarity on how members will be nominated or what standards will be used to assess their independence. The small size of these two-person subcommittees compounds concerns. Tasked with selecting district-level electoral colleges and consulting local communities to ensure inclusivity, expecting two individuals to fulfil such responsibilities for an entire province within two weeks strains credibility. Their limited size also makes them more vulnerable to political manipulation, especially in a context shaped by deep-rooted factional loyalties and regional power dynamics. If those making selections are politically aligned or handpicked by vested interests, the process risks being compromised. There is also uncertainty over how representation quotas, such as 20 per cent for women and a 70/30 split between professionals and traditional notables, will be enforced. Allocating seats at the district rather than provincial level makes these targets even harder to achieve. Most districts will have only one seat, increasing the likelihood of elites dominating at the expense of technically qualified professionals and leaving women well short of the 20 per cent threshold. While reserving one third of seats for presidential appointments could help mitigate these imbalances, relying on this mechanism merely to 'tick boxes' risks weakening the assembly's functional capacity in favour of meeting representational benchmarks. Compounding these challenges is the lack of clarity on how members will be chosen from areas outside Damascus's authority, particularly Sweida and the north-east. Selecting representatives from these regions without political agreements that secure the buy-in of respective de facto authorities risks entrenching Syria's fragmentation. This is particularly concerning as the legislative body represents the last missing piece in completing the country's core transitional institutions. Perhaps most concerning is the lack of clarity on monitoring. While observers are expected to be involved, crucial questions remain. Who will select and train them? At which stages of the process will they be present? If observation is limited to the final vote, their role will be largely symbolic. In reality, the early phases – forming subcommittees and district electoral bodies – are where foundational decisions are made and where the potential for manipulation is greatest. These stages require the same level of oversight, if not more, as the final vote. Syria's legislative reboot is urgently needed to break from the legal and political legacy of the former establishment and set the country on a path towards meaningful reform. But this process is more than a bureaucratic milestone, it is a test of the transitional authorities' political will to chart a truly inclusive course for the country. If Syrians are to believe in their leaders, the process must prove that it is not simply about filling seats, but about laying the foundations for a state that serves all its citizens.
The National
a day ago
- Politics
- The National
Rising crime poses challenge for Syrian authorities as stability remains elusive
Every August, Syrian architect Fayyad Salem escapes the heat in Damascus by heading to the mountain town of Marmarita, in the west of the country. When he embarked on the two-hour drive this week, his brother-in-law insisted on going with him. 'He thought it would be safer because of the highway robberies and kidnapping,' Mr Salem said. 'We are both unarmed and his presence would not help.' When the two men reached Marmarita, it was empty. Thousands of tourists and people who owned second homes in the town continued to travel there during the civil war, when security personnel at regime roadblocks extorted passengers, but the road was considered relatively safe. 'Marmarita is dead. No one goes there any more. They are afraid to be on that road,' Mr Salem said. Nine months after former president Bashar Al Assad was deposed, rising crime has posed a challenge to a drive by the new government to portray Syria as ready for investment and encourage the return of the country's diaspora. Since the start of this year, 254 people have been killed for apparently non-political reasons across the country, according to the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. Clashes this year have also led to the deaths of Alawites, Druze and Bedouins. Displacement and a lack of full-year data makes it difficult to compare the statistics to previous levels. The observatory said the 254 reported killed this year included 40 women and 14 children. The largest proportion of the deaths occurred in the southern province of Deraa, where 52 lost their lives. It found that 41 were killed in Damascus and the surrounding areas, while 18 died in northern Aleppo province. Seventeen people were killed in the coastal province of Latakia, 28 died in Hama and 18 were killed in Homs. During the civil war, the Assad regime carried out indiscriminate bombing campaigns on rebel cities and towns, and tortured and killed its opponents. Passing through its security roadblocks involved paying bribes, while protection rackets in big cities were often formed from within the system. Amid persistent instability in Syria, cases of armed robbery, kidnappings and car theft have become common, business owners said. "A Beretta with an 18-round magazine is on me all the time," said an Aleppo merchant who has been making regular trips to Damascus to expand his retail businesses. In Maliki, the most affluent district of the capital, actress Diala Al Wadi was found dead in her apartment on Sunday. Residents said her apartment had been burgled. Within 24 hours, security forces arrested a man suspected of killing her, as well as detaining her housekeeper in connection with the crime. Justice Minister Mazhar Al Wais said the state would punish those involved 'as a warning to anyone who dares violate innocent lives". A similar case in Maliki last month has not yet been solved. Amal Al Bustani, a doctor living in the area, was killed in her home, along with her housemaid. 'Going into homes and killing their owners and robbing them used to be unheard of in Maliki,' said Ramez Alaas, a contractor who lives in the neighbourhood. Under the former regime, secret police were posted in Maliki because Mr Al Assad lived there, as had his father, Hafez. A commander in the Damascus police force acknowledged that crime 'is a problem' but said authorities planned to install security cameras and had already sent more officers to catch 'everything from traffic violations to public safety threats'. He said the size of the force had been increased, having faced a severe shortfall when the former regime fell and members of its security forces fled. In Aleppo, the country's business capital, the authorities have been installing cameras after a wave of kidnappings in which workers and managers of factories on the edge of the city were held for ransom. Aleppo remains a close-knit society and more criminals appear to be apprehended there than in Damascus, but economic malaise and an influx of migrants from neighbouring Idlib has kept lawlessness rife, according to a textile factory owner in Aleppo. 'It is understandable that it will take time to establish law and order, but people are becoming fed up,' the industrialist said. 'A replica of the old system is developing – gangs close to the regime who are untouchable."
The National
2 days ago
- Politics
- The National
Syria foils church bombing linked to 'Assad regime remnants'
Syria says it has foiled a terrorist attack on a church in a 'well-planned ambush' in which two suspects linked to the former Bashar Al Assad regime were arrested. The Interior Ministry said Ramzi Hamoud and Mundhir Ali planned to attack the Mar Elias Maronite Church in the Tartus region on Syria's coast. It said the two men were 'en route to carry out a terrorist operation' when they were held. The 'meticulously planned ambush' was carried out by a Special Tasks Unit of the local security forces in Tartus. They seized an explosive device, a black flag and some papers containing written threats to local residents, the ministry said. The attack would have involved detonating explosives inside the church, said local security commander Abdul Aal Mohammed Abdul Aal. 'We assure our dear people that our eyes will not waver for a moment from monitoring these criminal schemes,' he said. The two suspects are being held awaiting a court process. The ministry said they were 'affiliated with one of the outlawed groups linked to remnants of the former regime', without giving details. Mr Al Assad was overthrown by a rebel offensive last December that brought former Islamist fighter Ahmad Al Shara to power. A series of bloody incidents have set back Mr Al Shara's attempts to consolidate control of Syria after years of civil war that devastated Syria's economy. In June, 25 people were killed in a church bombing in Damascus that authorities blamed on ISIS, the worst attack for years in the capital. A flurry of violence on the coast killed more than 1,000 people in March, mainly from Mr Al Assad's Alawite sect, which has lost influence under the new regime in Damascus. In recent weeks the southern area of Sweida has witnessed brutal fighting involving the Druze minority, Bedouin tribesmen and government forces, leaving hundreds of people dead. The National revealed last month how Syria's new authorities have stepped up a manhunt for Assad regime loyalists. Thousands of people believed to be wanted for war atrocities remain at large, although the government has not made a list public.
Asharq Al-Awsat
3 days ago
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
End of Era as Beirut Renames Assad Avenue After Late Legend Ziad Rahbani
Lebanon has decided to rebaptize a thoroughfare named after former Syrian president Hafez al-Assad in favor of late Lebanese musician and playwright Ziad Rahbani, a move many welcomed on Wednesday. The decision marks the end of an era and a rupture with the authoritarian rule of former Syrian leaders Hafez al-Assad and his son Bashar -- close allies of Lebanon's Hezbollah group -- who from Damascus held Lebanon in a stranglehold for almost three decades. Opposition forces ousted Bashar al-Assad in December, ending five decades of one-family rule, further weakening Hezbollah after a war with Israel and helping to change the balance of power in Lebanon. "Hafez al-Assad into the dustbin of history, Ziad Rahbani is the name of the airport road forever!" independent lawmaker Mark Daou who opposes Hezbollah wrote on X. The government on Tuesday announced the renaming of the avenue, which runs to the international airport through south Beirut, where Hezbollah enjoys strong support. Lebanese actor Ziad Itani welcomed the move, telling AFP that the former Syrian leader was associated with "dark periods in Lebanese history, marked by massacres, abuses and assassinations". The Syrian army entered Lebanon in 1976 as part of an Arab force that was supposed to put an end to the country's civil war which began a year earlier. Troops only withdrew in 2005 under enormous pressure after the assassination of Lebanese ex-Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, which was widely blamed on Syria and Hezbollah. The Lebanese army dismantled a number of monuments paying homage to the Assad family following the pullout. The government announced the street's name change as it said it had tasked the army with developing a plan to disarm Hezbollah by the end of the year, an unprecedented step since civil war factions gave up their weapons decades ago. The road's renaming "is the decision that made me the happiest", said Hassan Roumani near the avenue. "Each time I passed along the Assad road, I felt like Hafez al-Assad and the Syrian army were still in Lebanon. Now psychologically I feel relieved -- that period is over, and for the best," he told AFP. Not all welcomed the renaming however, particularly Hezbollah supporters. Faysal Abdelsater, an analyst close to the Iran-backed group, said the move was "the result of political malice" and urged the local council to reject it. Rahbani, son of iconic singer Fairuz, died last month aged 69 after a decades-long career that revolutionized the country's artistic scene.
Forbes
4 days ago
- Politics
- Forbes
Using Force Against The Kurdish-Led SDF Will Imperil The New Syria
The U.S.-backed Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces group has had a tough week. On July 31, Islamic State, IS or ISIS, militants attacked one of the group's checkpoints in the eastern Deir ez-Zor province, killing five of their troops. Furthermore, SDF fighters in the north clashed twice with government-affiliated forces in Aleppo province, specifically Manbij on Saturday and Deir Hafer early Monday. These incidents are reminders that the SDF remains the foremost force preventing any ISIS resurgence in Syria, and that attacks against it, intending to coerce it into folding under the new central government in Damascus, will only destabilize an already fragile state. Unsurprisingly, the SDF and government forces traded blame over who was responsible for these clashes. The Syrian defense ministry claimed the Manbij incident started after the SDF targeted army outposts with rocket fire, injuring four government troops and three civilians. The SDF counters that it was responding to 'unprovoked artillery assault targeting civilian-populated areas.' The SDF claimed Monday's incident started after government-affiliated fighters targeted four of its positions, resulting in 20 minutes of clashes. The group declared that Damascus bears complete responsibility for the attack and reaffirmed its right to respond to such provocations. The Kurdish-led group faced repeated attacks against its forces and Kurdish civilians in December as the former regime of Bashar al-Assad collapsed and early this year from militants operating under the banner of the Turkish-backed self-styled Syrian National Army. These militias repeatedly skirmished with the SDF along the Euphrates River until a ceasefire came into effect earlier this year. These same groups later carried out many of the grisly sectarian massacres of Alawite civilians along Syria's coastal Latakia province in March, which killed at least 1,479, mostly civilians, following attacks by remnants of the former Assad regime. Consequently, with many of these same militants operating within or alongside pro-government forces, it's hardly surprising that misunderstandings or continued lack of coordination, or government control over newly-integrated militias, could lead to clashes like these recent ones. Such clashes will no doubt complicate the new Syrian government's goal of absorbing the SDF into the new army. SDF leader Mazloum Abdi and Syrian interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa signed an integration agreement on Mar. 10, and the SDF has repeatedly affirmed its commitment to Syrian sovereignty, territorial integrity, and eventual integration of armed groups under state control. However, Damascus continually demands that the SDF disband and its troops join the new army as individuals. At the same time, the SDF insists it integrate into the new Syrian army as a bloc or in units. Then there's the July events in the southern city of Sweida, which saw the tribal fighters mobilized alongside government forces and intervening in local clashes between Druze and Bedouin forces. Sharaa attempted to use the clashes as an opportunity to assert complete government control over the Druze region but ended up incurring airstrikes from Israel, which had repeatedly warned it would militarily intervene if the Druze were threatened. The clashes killed hundreds, again, many of them civilians. It's possible the new Syrian government could use similar internal clashes in SDF-held regions in the future in an attempt to assert control. The SDF currently controls one-third of Syrian territory, including the Arab-majority provinces of Raqqa and Deir-ez-Zour in the east, much of it captured during its U.S.-backed war against the self-styled Islamic State caliphate. 'Activists from Raqqa (IS's former capital) and Deir ez-Zour have pressured Damascus to capture these majority Arab areas from the SDF, with the idea that the new regime could try to spark tribal revolts in SDF-held areas,' journalist Wladimir van Wilgenburg wrote in a recent analysis. He went on to note that several factors indicate 'that Damascus may exploit tribal groups to incite tribal revolts' in the SDF-held regions. 'The situation would be fundamentally similar to the Bedouin uprisings against the Druze and provide a pretext for the Syrian government to deploy its armed forces in SDF-held areas, as it did in Suwayda (Sweida),' Wilgenburg wrote. Of course, the SDF controls much larger swathes of Syria, and their rank-and-file battle-hardened from over a decade of confronting the Islamic State, a mission that continues until the present day. For example, the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights war monitor states it has documented 140 Islamic State operations within SDF-controlled areas since the start of this year alone. In addition to securing overcrowded detention centers with captured ISIS militants, the SDF also serves as a bulwark protecting Iraq, which understandably worries that another security crisis in Syria could lead to ISIS or a similar group threatening its territory again. The SDF also remains a vital counter-terrorism ally of the United States in the region. Congressman Abe Hamadeh received 'a situation brief' from SDF leader Abdi on Sunday. In a post on X, he reiterated that, with its 100,000 Arab and Kurdish fighters, 'the SDF is a key part of Syria's future.' 'For over a decade, it has protected the northeast third of Syria, and established a decentralized model that protects Christians, Arabs, Kurds, and others,' he wrote. 'The SDF seeks time and space to strengthen their inclusive governance framework in Syria's interim process.' Hamadeh noted that U.S.-mediated Damascus-SDF negotiations, 'aimed at moving Syria away from the former regime's failed approach of intimidation and retaliation and toward a system grounded in protecting the rights and freedom for all,' are slated to resume this month in Paris. The SDF will no doubt disband when the time is right, and North and East Syria will revert to central government control. But the process will have to be an incremental one built on trust, which could take some time in light of the dismal events in Latakia and Sweida. Such events cannot be allowed to happen in these SDF-controlled regions since arguably so much more is at stake there. Nefarious actors like ISIS are the only ones that stand to benefit if Damascus resorts to threatening or using military force against the SDF. In the interim to an eventual agreement, the SDF will doubtlessly remain a force for stability in Northeast Syria, keeping a lid on any ISIS resurgence and the kind of instability that could plunge Syria into another civil war.
