Latest news with #Bedouins
The National
a day ago
- Lifestyle
- The National
Falling for the abaya - an unexpected love story
This week marks one year since I moved to the UAE, undoubtedly one of the best decisions I've made for myself and my family. I love being here for many reasons, as an Arab much of the traditional life here feels familiar. But one thing I didn't see coming was my growing love affair with the abaya. Historians trace the abaya's roots back thousands of years to ancient Mesopotamia. Some historians believe it entered Saudi Arabia some 80 years ago via travellers from Iraq and Iran. Nomadic desert communities quickly embraced it, favouring its simplicity and practicality. Eventually, Bedouins brought it to urban centres, and it evolved into what we now recognise as a cornerstone of Gulf identity – part cultural symbol, part religious tradition. Growing up in London, the abaya was never part of my wardrobe. There was simply no need for it, no cultural space where it felt relevant. But here, it's found a way to be woven into my wardrobe. It's not that the abaya was foreign to me. My bibi, my Iraqi grandmother, would wear it outdoors everywhere she went. On my mother's side in Syria, I saw the abaya take on a different kind of meaning. Visitors from the Gulf brought it with them to my mother's hometown in Zabadani, a scenic mountain escape that became popular among travellers. These guests often returned year after year, forming deep friendships with local families and over time, gifting abayas to the women they grew close to. During multiple summers in Zabadani, I would admire the garment worn by the visitors and soon enough adopted by many local Syrian women too. As a child, I loved their elegance, how they shimmered with understated glamour. But I never thought they'd be for me. In all honesty, I felt too 'western' to be part of the abaya club. So what changed? First, let's talk about its practicality in my new environment. In the UAE's heat, a lightweight crepe or chiffon abaya wins hands down over a formal blazer. It shields you from the sun, dust and humidity while staying breathable and effortlessly comfortable. But more than its function, what's won me over to the abaya is how fashionable and stylish it can be – thanks mostly to how young Emiratis are styling theirs. In fact, women across the Gulf have progressively modernised the abaya. First came elaborate sequins and embroidery and, in the last decade or so, colours such as brown, navy and taupe have been introduced to everyday abayas. Recently, with a boom in women designers from the region, more avant-garde cuts have appeared; an abaya I recently bought has laser-cut scalloped ruffles and balloon-cut sleeves. Whether styled open or closed, the magic of a good abaya is in the details – the choice of fabric, the subtle embroidery and the art of accessorising. Across the Gulf, women have perfected the balance of simplicity, elegance and flair. There's a quiet sophistication in the way abayas are paired with trendy trainers, designer handbags and delicate jewellery. The result is an outfit that is steeped in tradition and practicality, but constantly evolving with trendsetting elements. I often wear an abaya to the mall, where I usually want to step out with little effort or thought about what I'm wearing. I also want to stay comfortably cool outside and warm in the chilly air-conditioned stores. The abaya ticks all the boxes and the look takes little effort, so many women focus on accessorising well. It's the art of balancing tradition with fashion. That balance is something I've always valued. I love dressing down a formal outfit and dressing up a casual one – heels with jeans, trainers with dresses. The modern abaya lends itself perfectly to that styling. I've noticed a recent trend of loafers with abayas, which transforms the look from traditional to contemporary cool. Then there's how it makes you feel. You can't slouch in an abaya. It straightens your posture and adds a certain poise. The fabric floats as you walk, catching the breeze, adding softness and femininity even to the shortest strides. I'm someone who spent most of my adolescence allergic to the idea of femininity and leant towards a tomboy aesthetic, but I've really embraced how effortlessly feminine the abaya is and how it makes me feel – always offering a touch of grandeur. Wearing the abaya has become more than just a nod to my heritage or the climate of the UAE. It's become a quiet kind of joy and comfort, a reminder that modern elegance and tradition don't have to be opposites.
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
New gov't plan for Bedouin settlements sparks controversy, fear of demolitions
Government officials claim that a mix of innovative approaches and incentives can solve the long-standing issue of unrecognized communities in the Negev. Approximately 300,000 Bedouins currently live in the Negev region, with around 90,000 residing in what is termed "Pzurah" - unregulated and unrecognized settlements outside recognized state-sanctioned municipal lines. This situation creates complex planning and social challenges that require comprehensive solutions. One of the primary obstacles to regional development in the Negev is the issue of land ownership claims. In the 1970s, Israeli authorities decided to survey Bedouin land ownership claims throughout the Negev, without officially granting a legal status to these claims. Various government committees concluded that some form of legal arrangement must be found to address these ownership issues if the Pzurah issue is to be resolved. The challenge is clear: it is impossible to establish regulated communities within someone else's ownership claims under current Bedouin-related legislation, and cultural codes also play an immense role in this complex situation. This legal impasse has prevented meaningful development and created a cycle where existing recognized settlements remain largely empty despite having designated areas for thousands of residents, while dozens of thousands reside outside municipal lines. Several established Bedouin communities exist in the Negev, including Rahat, Laqiya, Kasaife, Segev Shalom, and others. However, many of these communities are significantly underpopulated relative to their planned capacity. For example, some settlements designed to accommodate populations similar to major cities like Kfar Saba have only a few thousand residents. This underutilization occurs because the settlements were established without resolving the underlying land ownership disputes. Most of these areas lack basic infrastructure development, as the state cannot justify investing billions in sewage systems, roads, and utilities when settlements remain empty and uncertain due to unresolved land disputes. The last major attempt to comprehensively address this issue was the Prawer-Begin Plan in 2013. The traditional approach has been to offer compensation packages, providing Bedouin claimants with partial land allocation and monetary compensation and bringing them to relinquish broader territorial claims. However, this compensation-based doctrine has not proven successful, as Bedouins can still theoretically reach settlements under current arrangements, yet few do so in practice. The current government plan takes a different strategic approach. Rather than focusing solely on compensation, it recognizes that the existing unrecognized settlements are simply not viable for development in their current state. The plan proposes updating the legal tools available to reach agreements with Bedouin claimants. The strategy involves a clear timeline: offering generous settlement terms that go beyond strict legal requirements, but with definitive deadlines. If agreements are not reached within this deadline, the state will proceed to redraw the municipal lines of recognized settlements, leaving unsettled claims outside the new town borders (dubbed 'blue lines'), and leading claimants who refuse to reach a settlement to lose valuable and potentially developable land. The plan acknowledges that even without 100% agreement rates, it can still design viable, developable communities. The approach is being implemented gradually, starting with pilot programs to understand what works effectively before broader implementation. Government officials believe this approach, which has been discussed with local representation as well as government authorities, offers a more realistic and feasible path forward than previous attempts. By combining generous settlement offers with clear deadlines and practical development timelines, the plan aims to break the decades-long impasse that has prevented both proper Bedouin community development and broader regional planning in the Negev. The success of this initiative will depend on effective communication with affected communities and the willingness of stakeholders to engage with the new framework within the proposed timelines. However, as is always the case with these complex issues, which involve a mix of politics, identity, and land, not everyone is celebrating this government decision. AJEEC-NISPED, also known as the Negev Institute for Strategies of Peace and Development, an Israeli NGO that focuses on Jewish-Bedouin collaboration and coexistence in the Negev, told The Jerusalem Post that the resolution is not feasible. The decision 'comes at one of the most critical moments of crisis for Bedouin society,' the NGO said, reminding that, onOctober 7, dozens of Bedouins in the Negev were murdered or kidnapped, and more than ten children were killed by direct rocket fire from Gaza. 'The economic crisis that Bedouin society has faced since the outbreak of war is unprecedented—employment in agriculture, hospitality, and construction halted overnight, striking a severe blow to the poorest population in Israel.' In AJEEC-NISPED's view, the government resolution meets Bedouin society at a moment when it needs assistance and support in employment and education, rather than a 'confrontation marked by a wave of home demolitions and evictions.' The Negev-based NGO explained that leaving communities outside the blue lines mean, effectively, putting all homes that have been built there at risk of demolition; also warning that the long-term consequence would be a deepening of the gaps between Jews and Bedouins in the Negev. 'Already today, rates of academic education and quality employment in the Bedouin community are the lowest in the country. According to the latest Finance Ministry report, released just weeks ago, the only population group in Israel that has seen a decline in youth employment rates is the Bedouin community in the Negev. These young people, already facing tremendous barriers to normative behavior, may become easy prey for criminal organizations and the cycle of violence.' AJEEC-NISPED stressed the demolitions do not affect only the Bedouin community. Rather, 'they have a compounding effect of exclusion, detachment, and hopelessness with negative consequences for Israeli society as a whole. The lack of trust between the state and the Bedouin population is a core issue, especially at this time.' The Israeli NGO continued: 'As an Arab-Jewish community organization based in the Negev, working to reduce socio-economic disparities in Bedouin society and promote Arab-Jewish partnership, we acutely feel the significance of this mistrust. Above all, home demolitions are a state of emergency. Just as we mobilized during previous emergencies like the war and the COVID pandemic, we will now act during the demolitions. Families in need of food aid, families without shelter, children requiring psychological support, and the need to stabilize the situation on the ground—these are just some of the tasks that our volunteers and staff at AJEEC are taking on to support those affected in this crisis.' AJEEC-NISPED stressed: 'The path forward is one of dialogue, open communication, and transparency. In a Negev where dozens of individual farms, settlements, moshavim, and new communities have been established since the founding of the state, only seven towns have been established for the Bedouin. The Bedouin citizens of Israel deserve equal treatment, just like Jewish citizens in the Negev. This is not a theoretical discussion. In Bir Hadaj, for example, a Bedouin locality with over 10,000 residents, only eight building permits have been issued in recent years. Without the promotion of sustainable planning solutions and without open, transparent dialogue with Bedouin society, we will not be able to resolve this decades-long conflict between the state and the Bedouin community, or build a shared and thriving society in the Negev.' Yuval Turjeman, head of the Authority for Development and Settlement of the Bedouin in the Negev, is not shaken by criticism. 'Our new comprehensive approach offers a feasible way to reach agreements with title claimants, who do not hold any legal or formal ownership of land, as a means to allow full development of infrastructure and legal housing and receive financial compensation,' he explained. 'The fixed time window with both positive and negative incentives is in stark contrast to past attempts, where nothing really moved in any direction. The current completely deadlocked situation represents the worst possible scenario, making any change potentially beneficial.' Turjeman explained that, rather than starting with easier cases, the Authority deliberately chose to begin with the most challenging ones, namely, communities with the most contentious land claims. This counterintuitive approach stems from the belief that only dramatic action can break the current impasse. 'The implementation recognizes complex social codes within Bedouin society that cannot be crossed,' Turjeman explained. 'A fundamental paradox exists where 20% of the population claims land ownership, meaning that tens of thousands of families are left with no legal housing solutions, meaning living under constant threat of home demolitions. Those who claim ownership often view land not through Western property concepts but through traditional social frameworks involving family and tribal considerations, including traditional perceptions of class when it comes to land ownership.' Also on the issue of cultural codes, the Israeli official explained that Bedouins may speak of "donating their land" for schools, kindergartens, or roads. 'This becomes both a family and tribal business, creating intricate social dynamics that any solution must navigate carefully.' Turjeman continued: 'The new approach aims to move land claimants out of their comfort zones by offering substantial economic opportunities alongside relatively decisive action. Success in Rahat demonstrates this model's potential - land was released by claimants who then realized significant profits through commercial, industrial, or residential development.' The strategy recognizes that some individuals may initially have no incentive to reach settlements. 'But once they understand that areas outside the official 'blue line' cannot be developed, this may encourage greater cooperation,' Turjeman added. Five pilot areas were selected based on having the highest land-to-population ratios: three rural settlements (Molada, Abu Tlul, and Marzet) and two urban councils (Laqiya and Kasaife). Kasaife exemplifies the problem: 24,000 residents allocated across 14,000 dunams, but only 20% of the area is utilized, with the remainder consisting of fields with individual ownership claims in a community facing severe housing shortages. Since many land ownership claims don't withstand strict legal scrutiny, the state could theoretically pursue formal expropriation. However, Turjeman explained that this approach would be counterproductive. 'Instead, the Authority seeks consensual processes, even incorporating compensation mechanisms during expropriation phases for cooperative claimants,' he commented. As heated debates over the plan continue, what is clear is that this new comprehensive approach represents a fundamental shift from previous models in an attempt to acknowledge both legal realities and cultural sensitivities while creating clear timelines and economic incentives for resolution.
France 24
22-05-2025
- Politics
- France 24
Settler attacks push Palestinians to abandon West Bank village, residents say
Yusef Malihat, a resident of the tiny village east of Ramallah, told AFP his community had decided to leave because its members felt powerless in the face of the settler violence. "No one provides us with protection at all," he said, a keffiyeh scarf protecting his head from the sun as he loaded a pickup truck with chain-link fencing previously used to pen up sheep and goats. "They demolished the houses and threatened us with expulsion and killing," he said, as a group of settlers looked on from a new outpost a few hundred metres away. The West Bank is home to about three million Palestinians, but also some 500,000 Israelis living in settlements that are considered illegal under international law. Settlement outposts, built informally and sometimes overnight, are considered illegal under Israeli law too, although enforcement is relatively rare. The Israeli military told AFP it was "looking into" the legality of the outpost at Maghayer al-Deir. "It's very sad, what's happening now... even for an outpost," said Itamar Greenberg, an Israeli peace activist present at Maghayer al-Deir on Thursday. "It's a new outpost 60 metres from the last house of the community, and on Sunday one settler told me that in one month, the Bedouins will not be here, but it (happened much) more quickly," he told AFP. The Palestinian Authority's Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission denounced Maghayer al-Deir's displacement, describing it as being the result of the "terrorism of the settler militias". It said in a statement that a similar fate had befallen 29 other Bedouin communities, whose small size and isolation in rural areas make them more vulnerable. In the area east of Ramallah, where hills slope down towards the Jordan Valley, Maghayer al-Deir was one of the last remaining communities after the residents of several others were recently displaced. Its 124 residents will now be dispersed to other nearby areas. Malihat told AFP some would go to the Christian village of Taybeh just over 10 kilometres (six miles) away, and others to Ramallah. Uncertain they would be able to return, the families loaded all they could fit in their trucks, including furniture, irrigation pipes and bales of hay.
Yahoo
12-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
'Settlers on all sides': West Bank bypass raises fears of Israeli annexation
A creeping Israeli presence is nothing new for the Bedouins who inhabit the arid hills east of Jerusalem, but a recently approved road in the area means the spectre of annexation now looms large. Israeli authorities in March green lit the construction of a separate route for Palestinian vehicles to bypass a central stretch of the occupied West Bank –- one of the territory's most disputed parcels of land. Israel has promoted the project as a way to further facilitate settlement expansion in the area near Jerusalem, which it considers its "eternal and indivisible" capital. But Palestinians warn the move threatens to further isolate their communities and undermines hopes for a contiguous future state with east Jerusalem as its capital. "If they open a road there, that's it, this area will be annexed," said Eid Jahaleen, who lives in the Bedouin village of Khan al-Ahmar. The village, a cluster of shacks and tents some 10 kilometres (6 miles) from Jerusalem's Old City, sits surrounded by Israeli settlements. "It's going to be hard to reach out to the outside world. No Palestinian services will be allowed to get in here," he said. - Territorial continuity – "If you want clothes, food for your home, (Israel) will be the one to open the gate." Israeli settlements are considered illegal under international law. Outposts -- unauthorised structures under Israeli law that often precede the establishment of a settlement -- have spread rapidly across the West Bank since Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu returned to power in late 2022, leading a hardline, pro-settler coalition. After a new outpost appeared just 100 metres away, Jahaleen said he has "settlers on all sides". Israel heavily restricts the movement of West Bank Palestinians, who must obtain permits from authorities to travel through checkpoints to cross into east Jerusalem or Israel. Far-right ministers have in recent months openly called for Israel's annexation of the territory. The alternative bypass would mean Palestinian vehicles driving north-south through the West Bank could travel directly between Palestinian towns rather, without passing the large Israeli settlement of Maale Adumim. Israel has hailed the move as enabling settlement development between Maale Adumim and Jerusalem on a super-sensitive land corridor known as E1. Israel has long had ambitions to build on the roughly 12 square kilometres, but the international community has repeatedly warned it could deal a fatal blow to a future Palestinian state. Maale Adumim's Mayor Guy Yifrach said the Palestinian bypass would reduce congestion on the current highway between the settlement and Jerusalem and "allow for a natural urban continuity" between the two. Plans exist to build 4,000 housing units, schools, health clinics and a country club on E1, Yifrach said, but added they had not yet been approved. Khan al Ahmar, E1 and Maale Adumim all lie within a planned section of Israel's separation barrier for which construction has been frozen for years. Israel says the barrier -– made up of ditches, roads, razor wire, electronic fences, checkpoints and concrete walls –- is necessary to prevent Palestinian attacks. For Palestinians, the structure further separates them and drastically reduces their freedom of movement. - Isolated enclaves - Aviv Tatarsky, from the Israeli anti-settlement organisation Ir Amim, said that once the road is built, Israel could go ahead with constructing the barrier as planned. "They want to create this de facto annexation, which means take the space around Maale Adumim and make it an integral part of Jerusalem, of Israel," he said. By creating an alternative route for Palestinians to travel through the West Bank, Israel could argue that expanding Jewish settlements in the area would not compromise the contiguity of Palestinian territory, Tatarsky added. For Mohammad Matter, from the Palestinian Authority's Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission, the road "has nothing to do with making life easier for Palestinians". The bypass will trace the northern edge of Matter's village of Al Eizariya, and he fears it will further squeeze Palestinians into isolated enclaves, connected only through transport corridors. "They (Israel) are realising their vision: Israelis walk up high and Palestinians walk through valleys or tunnels," he said. acc/jd/ysm
Arab News
12-05-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
'Settlers on all sides': West Bank bypass raises fears of Israeli annexation
KHAN Al-AHMAR, Palestinian Territories: A creeping Israeli presence is nothing new for the Bedouins who inhabit the arid hills east of Jerusalem, but a recently approved road in the area means the spectre of annexation now looms large. Israeli authorities in March green lit the construction of a separate route for Palestinian vehicles to bypass a central stretch of the occupied West Bank — one of the territory's most disputed parcels of land. Israel has promoted the project as a way to further facilitate settlement expansion in the area near occupied East Jerusalem. But Palestinians warn the move threatens to further isolate their communities and undermines hopes for a contiguous future state with East Jerusalem as its capital. 'If they open a road there, that's it, this area will be annexed,' said Eid Jahaleen, who lives in the Bedouin village of Khan Al-Ahmar. The village, a cluster of shacks and tents some 10 kilometers from Jerusalem's Old City, sits surrounded by Israeli settlements. 'It's going to be hard to reach out to the outside world. No Palestinian services will be allowed to get in here,' he said. Pro-settler coalition 'If you want clothes, food for your home, (Israel) will be the one to open the gate.' Israeli settlements are considered illegal under international law. Outposts — unauthorized structures under Israeli law that often precede the establishment of a settlement — have spread rapidly across the West Bank since Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu returned to power in late 2022, leading a hard-line, pro-settler coalition. After a new outpost appeared just 100 meters away, Jahaleen said he has 'settlers on all sides.' Israel heavily restricts the movement of West Bank Palestinians, who must obtain permits from authorities to travel through checkpoints to cross into East Jerusalem or Israel. Far-right ministers have in recent months openly called for Israel's annexation of the territory. The alternative bypass would mean Palestinian vehicles driving north-south through the West Bank could travel directly between Palestinian towns rather, without passing the large Israeli settlement of Maale Adumim. Israel has hailed the move as enabling settlement development between Maale Adumim and Jerusalem on a super-sensitive land corridor known as E1. Israel has long had ambitions to build on the roughly 12 square kilometers, but the international community has repeatedly warned it could deal a fatal blow to a future Palestinian state. Maale Adumim's Mayor Guy Yifrach said the Palestinian bypass would reduce congestion on the current highway between the settlement and Jerusalem and 'allow for a natural urban continuity' between the two. Plans exist to build 4,000 housing units, schools, health clinics and a country club on E1, Yifrach said, but added they had not yet been approved. Khan al Ahmar, E1 and Maale Adumim all lie within a planned section of Israel's separation barrier for which construction has been frozen for years. Israel says the barrier — made up of ditches, roads, razor wire, electronic fences, checkpoints and concrete walls — is necessary to prevent Palestinian attacks. For Palestinians, the structure further separates them and drastically reduces their freedom of movement. De facto annexation Aviv Tatarsky, from the Israeli anti-settlement organization Ir Amim, said that once the road is built, Israel could go ahead with constructing the barrier as planned. 'They want to create this de facto annexation, which means take the space around Maale Adumim and make it an integral part of Jerusalem, of Israel,' he said. By creating an alternative route for Palestinians to travel through the West Bank, Israel could argue that expanding Jewish settlements in the area would not compromise the contiguity of Palestinian territory, Tatarsky added. For Mohammad Matter, from the Palestinian Authority's Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission, the road 'has nothing to do with making life easier for Palestinians.' The bypass will trace the northern edge of Matter's village of Al Eizariya, and he fears it will further squeeze Palestinians into isolated enclaves, connected only through transport corridors. 'They (Israel) are realizing their vision: Israelis walk up high and Palestinians walk through valleys or tunnels,' he said.
