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Berlin should stop paying benefits to Ukrainians of military age
Berlin should stop paying benefits to Ukrainians of military age

Russia Today

time4 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Russia Today

Berlin should stop paying benefits to Ukrainians of military age

Berlin should stop spending taxpayer money on social benefits for fighting-age Ukrainian men, Bundestag MP Stephan Mayer has suggested. Such people should either find work in Germany or go back to Ukraine and enlist in the army, the lawmaker believes. More than 304,000 Ukrainian men between the ages of 18 and 63 have fled to Germany since the start of the conflict, according to data cited by the German tabloid Bild on Monday. Roughly half of them are getting the so-called 'Burgergeld', or citizen's benefits, which are normally reserved for German citizens and EU nationals, who are either unemployed or have an extremely low income. Ukrainians were granted the privilege under a special law passed in May 2022, giving them larger benefits than what other asylum-seekers receive. 'Citizen's benefits for Ukrainian men of fighting age must finally be stopped,' Mayer told Bild, commenting on the issue. 'If almost 151,000 Ukrainians aged between 18 and 63 are getting social benefits from us, then something is wrong.' According to the lawmaker, such people should not be entitled to such assistance and 'must either work here in Germany or perform military service in Ukraine.' According to the German Federal Employment Agency, the federal government spends €1.328 billion ($1.53 billion) annually on 'citizen's benefits' for fighting-age Ukrainians. Germany has been one of the primary destinations for Ukrainians fleeing the conflict. According to various estimates, more than a million Ukrainians were residing in Germany as of December 2024. Last October, Stern magazine estimated that approximately 720,000 Ukrainians were receiving 'citizen's benefits.' Then-Chancellor Olaf Scholz also repeatedly spoke about the need to make Ukrainian refugees work. Kiev barred most men aged between 18 and 60 years old from leaving Ukraine when it launched its general mobilization in 2022, but many managed to leave anyway. According to Ukrainian lawmaker Anna Skorokhod, some 1.2 million draft dodgers had fled the country illegally as of December 2024.

The far-right in Germany wants to soften its image, not its policies
The far-right in Germany wants to soften its image, not its policies

NZ Herald

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • NZ Herald

The far-right in Germany wants to soften its image, not its policies

The AfD's new strategy emerged from an internal analysis of its performance in national elections in February. It ran on an anti-elite, anti-immigrant platform that included promises of mass deportations. It also vowed to reignite the nation's industrial economy, powered by German coal and Russian natural gas. The party finished second, winning more than one-fifth of the vote. But the AfD found itself shut out of government, with no other party in Parliament willing to work with it. Unable to cement its place in the Bundestag, the AfD decided that it needed to expand its appeal at the ballot box and in circles of power in Berlin. Enter the new approach, which takes as its starting point the idea that German voters are fundamentally conservative — an assertion that centre-left parties dispute. It is based largely on a surface read of February's election, when more than half of the voters either backed the AfD or the centre-right sister parties of Merz, the Christian Democrats and Christian Social Union. Merz's voters broadly agree with AfD's view that Germany needs to strengthen the economy and reduce migration, said Beatrix von Storch, a senior AfD Member of Parliament and an architect of the new strategy. Opinion polling shows that Germans are worried about migration and security above all other issues. The AfD, she said, will try to appeal to centre-right voters through those issues. It will also try to provoke Germany's major liberal parties to move to the extreme left on social issues like abortion and transgender rights, she said, by raising the profile of those matters and of Germany's growing far-left party. 'There is a cultural war in the Western world and we will win it,' she said. She said she hoped for an echo of last year's American presidential election. 'Moderate Republicans voted for Donald Trump, even though they don't approve of everything he says or does,' von Storch said. 'But the divide between moderate Republicans and the progressive Democrats is so deep that these reservations no longer mattered.' There are many reasons why the AfD's effort could fail. Merz's voters disagree with the AfD's stances on several issues, surveys suggest, most notably Germany's backing of Ukraine in its war against Russia. And Germans tend to be consensus builders. While its political extremes are growing, many voters still baulk at supporting any party seen as too far on one end or the other. 'You could say that the political centre is a kind of ideal in Germany, which is why I believe that, despite the potential for polarisation, there is no great desire for division among the German population,' said Johannes Hillje, a political scientist who has studied the new AfD strategy. Some voters have also been turned off by the AfD's sharp rhetoric, particularly on immigration. German intelligence has formally declared the AfD to be extremist over what the Government called an unconstitutional campaign to treat migrants differently from other German residents. The extremism designation could someday lead to the party being banned from German politics. The force of many voters' distaste for the AfD helped prompt the other part of its strategy, the effort to soften its image without retreating on policy. In May, AfD drafted penalties for members who had acted uncivilly in parliament, including fines of up to €5000 ($9760) and a three-month ban from giving speeches in the chamber. Earlier, it dissolved the Junge Alternative, the party's notoriously radical youth wing. The AfD is now polling around 25% nationally, but it has lost ground to the centre-right since Merz took office in May. His party gained support after loosening government borrowing limits, cutting some taxes and tightening border controls. The Chancellor has rallied Germans around increased military spending, as long-standing American security guarantees for Europe have faltered. Until recently, he had avoided the sort of coalition bickering that brought down former Chancellor Olaf Scholz's Government last year. To rattle Merz's coalition, the AfD needed a controversy — one that combined hot-button social issues and hot-tempered political infighting. This month, Merz's Government provided both. A progressive law professor named Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf had been nominated for a seat on the nation's constitutional court by Merz's centre-left coalition partner, the Social Democrats. But Merz's party was baulking at supporting her. The far-right had helped provoke the dispute. The AfD and social conservatives had been attacking Brosius-Gersdorf, claiming without evidence that she supported legalised abortion to the ninth month of pregnancy. Such a stance would have been far outside the German mainstream, were it true. Abortion is illegal in Germany, but there are no penalties for the procedure through to 12 weeks of pregnancy. Brosius-Gersdorf had worked on a commission to change the law to decriminalise those early-term abortions, but she never publicly supported late-term abortion. The AfD, which opposes abortion, cares little about that distinction. When Merz took questions in Parliament this month, von Storch asked whether he could in good conscience vote to seat Brosius-Gersdorf. After verbally attacking von Storch, Merz said yes. Soon, an edited version of the exchange raced across social media. Outrage built among conservatives, who fumed that Merz had effectively endorsed legalised abortion. Some Catholic bishops warned against confirming the nominee. Merz's governing coalition had to postpone the vote, fearing Brosius-Gersdorf had insufficient support. The nomination remains unresolved, though Merz has refocused his attention in recent days onto foreign policy. Government aides say the best way for Merz to thwart the AfD is to stay out of culture wars and stick to solving problems that rank high among voters' concerns. That includes restarting economic growth, reducing migration and restoring German leadership on the global stage. And doing so while projecting unity inside the government. Some AfD leaders agree that policy wins would be Merz's best weapon against them. Von Storch said AfD voters could flock to Merz if he effectively adopted the party's platform on immigration, including blocking new migrants from crossing the German border and deporting millions of asylum-seekers from Syria and elsewhere. Merz has tightened border controls and stepped-up deportations, but there is no indication he would support anything close to the full AfD migration agenda. Even as she stressed the importance of culture wars to divide the Merz coalition, von Storch said that for the AfD to grow in popularity, it must sell Germans on its plans for their wallets. 'Voters want a government that can lead the economy out of crisis, secure prosperity and ensure sound public finances,' she said. 'The AfD will gain massive acceptance and support if we aggressively stake out these areas.' This article originally appeared in The New York Times. Written by: Jim Tankersley and Christopher F. Schuetze Photograph by: Lena Mucha ©2025 THE NEW YORK TIMES

Housing crisis: Germany plans 'turbo' construction boost – DW – 07/28/2025
Housing crisis: Germany plans 'turbo' construction boost – DW – 07/28/2025

DW

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • DW

Housing crisis: Germany plans 'turbo' construction boost – DW – 07/28/2025

Germany has a desperate shortage of affordable housing. The government now plans to take a "crowbar" to construction law to help get more homes built at "turbo" speed. "Building and housing is the social issue of our time," Germany's new Construction and Housing Minister Verena Hubertz told public broadcaster in May when she announced her plan to help ease the shortage of affordable housing. With the cabinet set to present its budget proposal for 2026 this Wednesday (30.7.2025), spending on housing is one of the focal points. In a country where it can take longer to get approval for a development project than it does to actually build it, Hubertz said she wanted to give local authorities a "crowbar" to get around labyrinthine urban planning laws. That crowbar labeled "Bau-Turbo" (construction turbo) is a new paragraph (§ 246e) to be inserted into the German Building Code. If the legislation is passed in the fall, municipalities will be given the opportunity to approve construction, change of use and renovation projects that deviate from the provisions of the Building Code if those projects serve the construction of new residential buildings. Planning applications will also be automatically approved after two months unless vetoed by the municipality. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Building regulations vary between each of the 16 states and among municipalities, which has resulted in an ever-growing patchwork of rules governing everything from the number of electric sockets per room to the shape and color of roofs. The Construction Ministry estimates its legislative amendment, to be passed by the Bundestag in fall, will save companies, citizens and local authorities around €2.5 billion ($2.9 bn) a year. Tim-Oliver Müller, the managing director of the Federal Association of the German Construction Industry (HDB), said he welcomed the government's plans but warned that housing construction "would not pick up again overnight." "The law alone will not result in a single new apartment, but it will make it easier for local authorities to approve them," Müller told DW. The construction industry has been hit by a "melange of crises," he said, largely as a result of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, rising energy prices, the increased cost of materials such as concrete and steel, inflation and a jump in interest rates from below 1% to between 3% and 4%. Müller is convinced that the new changes to the law would not lead to a reduction in quality — standard regulations, for example, with regard to fire safety and structural integrity,which remain in place. The new legislation is "purely a creation of possibilities, for example, with regard to building extensions or changing the designation of land from commercial to residential, something that was not previously possible," Müller explained. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Environmentalists have expressed concern about the easing of planning regulations because they fear that green spaces will be built on as new development projects are waved through with less time for local residents to object. "Only with green spaces can we buffer [heatwaves]. Because these green spaces provide active cooling," Stefan Petzold from the nature conservation association NABU told . Another person concerned about hot air is Matthias Günther, the head of the Pestel Institute, which conducts research on areas like the economy and housing for the public and private sectors. He described the new legislation as "a lot of hot air" that will "not achieve anything in the short term." "Additional paragraphs and sections will be added to the Building Code, creating more bureaucracy. Some things will require the consent of the municipality and, especially when it comes to building, they often have problems getting a majority because there's always someone who doesn't want it," Günther told DW. He says that what Germany really needs is an economic stimulus package for housing construction starting in the fall and accompanied by a loan program with interest rates fixed at 2% for the next 20 years. "The city would essentially pass on its more favorable credit conditions. It wouldn't cost that much. Everyone I talk to says that if they could get financing at 2% then they would start building again," economist Matthias Günther believes, adding that a similar scheme had already proven successful in Poland. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video The desperate lack of housing is one of the main reasons why rents have been exploding in big German cities, says Bernard Faller from the Federal Association for Housing and Urban Development (VHW). More than half of the population of Germany lives in rented accommodation — the highest share in the European Union. While Germany has some of the strongest tenant protection laws in the world, Faller said those laws serve to protect existing tenants and work against those who want or need to move — particularly young people and large families. "The problem remains the same: there are too few homes to meet demand," he told DW. The construction turbo plans are a "very exciting experiment," according to Faller. "Until we come up with something better, and I can't think of anything better, the key to easing the overheated housing market, to curbing rising rents, is for more affordable housing to be built," he said. Germany will need approximately 320,000 new homes every year until 2030, according to the Federal Institute for Research on Building, Urban Affairs and Spatial Development (BBSR). The previous federal government, which lost its majority in the February 2025 election, had promised to build 400,000 homes a year. But by 2024, that figure was just 251,900 — 14.4% down on the previous year. The new coalition of the center-right bloc of Christian Democrats and Christian Social Union (CDU-CSU) and center-left Social Democrats (SPD) is planning to boost the Construction Ministry's budget for 2025 to €7.4 billion in 2025 from €6.7 billion the previous year. This money will be invested in the construction of social housing – subsidized apartments for low-income families, projects for climate-friendly construction, turning commercial into residential areas and the promotion of home ownership for young you're here: Every Tuesday, DW editors round up what is happening in German politics and society. You can sign up here for the weekly email newsletter, Berlin Briefing.

IN PICTURES: Hundreds of thousands march at Berlin Pride demonstration
IN PICTURES: Hundreds of thousands march at Berlin Pride demonstration

Local Germany

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • Local Germany

IN PICTURES: Hundreds of thousands march at Berlin Pride demonstration

Around 80 floats and more than 100 groups took part in the march to Berlin's Brandenburg Gate on Saturday. "The demonstration was as large and political as it has been for a long time," the organisers said. Among those who spoke at the opening of the event was Vice President of the Bundestag, Josephine Ortleb. She told AFP that it was a great honour for her: "especially in these times, we simply cannot be neutral when it comes to defending human rights," she said, adding that the queer community was coming under increasing pressure, even in Germany. CSD parade participants, many sporting rainbow flags, take to the streets of Berlin on July 26, 2025 . (Photo by Tobias SCHWARZ / AFP) Thomas Hoffmann, a member of the board of the CSD Berlin association, told AFP that it was especially important now "to take to the streets again with vigour and set an example for freedom, tolerance, and equality." Advertisement For the first time in the history of queer rights, "we are not fighting for new rights, but to defend existing rights," he added. According to authorities, anti-queer crimes have been on the rise for years. A participant of the Christopher Street Day (CSD) parade poses. (Photo by Tobias SCHWARZ / AFP) No flag at the Bundestag A 2024 report from the Criminal Police Office and the Ministry of the Interior showed that the number of crimes in the area of "sexual orientation" and "gender diversity" had increased almost tenfold since 2010, although this was in part due to increasing visibility and willingness to report offences. Advertisement The rally commemorates June 28, 1969, when police stormed the Stonewall Inn gay bar on New York's Christopher Street, sparking days of clashes between activists and security forces. The uprising is considered the birth of the modern Pride movement. A participant of the Christopher Street Day (CSD) parade holds a poster reading "Show your colours, Mr Merz - don't duck away". Photo by Tobias SCHWARZ / AFP) But unlike in previous years, no rainbow flag flew on the German Bundestag building as Bundestag President Julia Klöckner had decided not to raise it. "For me, the rainbow flag stands for solidarity, acceptance, but also human rights for all. And for me, these are also the values that the German Bundestag stands for," Vice President Ortleb told AFP. To protest Klöckner's decision, activists unfurled a 400-square-metre flag on the lawn in front of the Bundestag late Friday afternoon. Two CSD parade participants share a kiss. (Photo by Tobias SCHWARZ / AFP) Counter protest According to AFP reporters, only around two dozen people participated in a right-wing extremist counter-demonstration against the parade. The person who registered the rally was arrested, a police spokeswoman said. In a preliminary report early Sunday morning, the police announced that a total of 64 arrests had been made at the parade. These included participants in the counter-demonstration as well as those associated with the parade itself, a police spokeswoman told AFP without giving specific numbers. As many as 1,300 police officers were on the scene that day and three sustained injuries, according to reports. A queer pro-Palestinian demonstration also took place on Saturday. Some 10,000 participants marched through Berlin-Kreuzberg, but the protest was broken up by police after officers were attacked and anti-Semitic slogans shouted. According to reports, 17 police officers were injured, and 57 were arrested.

The Far Right in Germany Wants to Soften Its Image, Not Its Policies
The Far Right in Germany Wants to Soften Its Image, Not Its Policies

New York Times

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • New York Times

The Far Right in Germany Wants to Soften Its Image, Not Its Policies

The leaders of the hard-right Alternative for Germany party, known as the AfD, floated a new plan last month meant to vault them into power. It had two simple parts. Divide mainstream parties with culture wars. Then, soften the AfD's image for Germans who say they'd never vote for it, turned off by its denigration of migrants and other stances. The AfD got an earlier-than-expected opportunity to put the plan in motion recently, seizing on a political rift in Chancellor Friedrich Merz's government over a high-court nominee. The AfD injected disorder into the proceedings, turning it into exactly the sort of culture-war fight that its leaders say could help the party. The AfD's new strategy emerged from an internal analysis of its performance in national elections in February. It ran on an anti-elite, anti-immigrant platform that included promises of mass deportations. It also vowed to reignite the nation's industrial economy, powered by German coal and Russian natural gas. The party finished second, winning more than a fifth of the vote. But the AfD found itself shut out of government, with no other party in Parliament willing to work with it. Unable to cement its place in the Bundestag, the AfD decided that it needed to expand its appeal at the ballot box and in circles of power in Berlin. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.

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