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India.com
3 days ago
- Business
- India.com
India arming Armenia with powerful weapons like Pinaka, Akash, and howitzers; check Pakistan, Turkey, Azerbaijan connection
India arming Armenia with powerful weapons like Pinaka, Akash, and howitzers; check Pakistan, Turkey, Azerbaijan connection Defense relations between India and Armenia have been continuously increasing. By Tahir Qureshi Edited by Tahir Qureshi Advertisement New Delhi: India is continuously increasing arms sales to Armenia. This is seen as an effort to counter the growing strategic alliance between Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Pakistan. This trilateral partnership has challenged India's regional interests. During the recent India-Pakistan conflict, Turkey and Azerbaijan openly supported Islamabad and condemned India. In this context, the rising Indian arms sales to Armenia are being viewed as a balance of power, which is likely to escalate tensions with Azerbaijan and Turkey. Azerbaijan has a longstanding hostility with Armenia, and both countries have fought several wars against each other. Defense relations between India and Armenia have been continuously increasing since 2020. The main reason for this is Armenia's growing distance from its traditional arms supplier, Russia. During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, Armenia accused Russia of remaining neutral and not providing assistance, even though both countries are members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Advertisement === Speaking to the South China Morning Post, Rajan Kochar, senior advisor at the Delhi-based security think tank Indic Researchers Forum, stated, 'India's relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan are not very good. Therefore, the sale of any kind of weapons to Armenia is unlikely to affect our relations with them, especially since both countries openly supported and promoted Pakistan against India during Operation Sindoor.' According to media reports, India is planning to deliver a second consignment of the Akash-1S surface-to-air missile system to Armenia under the 2022 treaty, along with a wide range of weapons including howitzer guns and the Pinaka multiple launch rocket system. The first consignment of missiles was sent last November. Advertisement === According to a report, Russia was Armenia's largest arms supplier for many years, but experts say that Yerevan's not providing open support for Moscow in the war against Ukraine has negatively impacted the relationship. Since then, India has emerged as a major supplier of arms to Armenia. London-based independent political analyst Chris Blackburn stated that India's missile sales are a direct response to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's support for Pakistan and his criticism of countries supplying arms to Armenia.
The Print
5 days ago
- Business
- The Print
Armenia's buying Indian weapons. This opens entry points to Caucasus, Central Asia & beyond
In earlier writings, I've delved into the complex reasons behind why Armenia—a small, landlocked nation in the South Caucasus—remains stuck in a long-standing struggle with its neighbour. Fast forward to the present, and India's growing success in Armenia is a story of swift decision-making and deft diplomacy—bringing together all the right elements at the right moment. Few could have predicted that within a mere three to four years, India's presence in the region would grow so decisively that it would emerge as Armenia's largest defence supplier in its protracted conflict with Azerbaijan. Until just a few years ago—even at the dawn of this decade—mentioning the Caucasus would likely have been met with a shrug from most Indians. Yet, just last week, it was deeply encouraging to witness dozens of Indians gathered in Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, for the second iteration of the Yerevan Dialogue. Geopolitics in the yonder Traditionally, India's diplomatic focus has remained closer to home—first on its immediate neighbourhood, and then eastward via the Look East and Act East policies. A marked change came after the 2015 Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) doctrine, with India's maritime vision taking centre stage in New Delhi's strategic calculus. Over the course of the current dispensation, New Delhi has broadened its strategic outreach way beyond the immediate theatres. With aspirations for a larger role in both geopolitics and geo-economics, India has begun to engage with new regions—seizing opportunities presented by the constant flux of global power dynamics. India's relationship with Armenia is a prime example of this shift. Long known as the world's largest arms importer, and often struggling to modernise its indigenous defence sector, India found in Armenia a rare partner—one willing to procure nearly every major weapon system developed domestically. As Russia—Armenia's formal ally through the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO)—failed to extend meaningful security guarantees during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts in 2020 and 2023, while simultaneously arming Azerbaijan, a frustrated Yerevan was forced to look elsewhere for support. Russia's deepening entanglement in Ukraine further diverted its attention from its traditional sphere of influence, leaving a vacuum that India stepped into with both urgency and strategic foresight. While eager to modernise its defence capabilities, Armenia lacked the financial means to procure costly Western platforms. Its nascent defence industry was not yet equipped enough, just beginning to specialise in niche technologies. In a pragmatic move, Armenia turned to India. Indian weapon systems, though not as expensive as their Western counterparts, offered reliable and effective solutions. Within just two years, by 2023, India had appointed a Defence Attaché to Yerevan and concluded multiple defence agreements worth millions of dollars. These covered a wide spectrum of indigenous platforms, from the Akash surface-to-air (SAM) missile systems and SWATHI weapon-locating radars to the advanced towed artillery gun system (ATAGS) and large consignments of ammunition. The only notable exception has been the BrahMos missile system—co-developed with Russia—which Yerevan has so far avoided, likely due to a strained relationship with Russia and Moscow's closeness to Baku. Armenia's growing reliance on Indian defence exports marked a significant milestone for India. Historically, Indian weapons have struggled to gain recognition abroad, and cases like the grounded Dhruv helicopters—despite discounted sales—have not inspired much confidence. However, Yerevan has not only bought several Indian platforms, but has also closely observed the performance of India's indigenous systems in combat scenarios in the wake of Operation Sindoor strikes on Pakistani terror camps and air bases, bolstering confidence in their reliability. India's defence exports have surged in recent years, hitting the Rs 24,000 crore mark for the first time in 2024. With ambitions to surpass Rs 50,000 crore by the end of the decade, this trajectory appears within reach. However, a majority of these exports consist of dual-use technologies and secondary components destined for Western partners like the US and France. Armenia stands out as one of the few, perhaps the only country procuring full-fledged Indian platforms. A notable exception, though, is select Southeast Asian buyers of the Russian co-produced BrahMos missile, such as the Philippines and Vietnam. Armenia then occupies a unique place in India's defence outreach. For instance, the French had expressed interest in India's Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers—spurred by India's sale of the same to Armenia—though they ultimately opted for different systems. Nonetheless, such visibility in theatres of mutual interest provides a smart sales pitch to Indian defence prowess. Also read: Countering Pakistan isn't India's only challenge. We need doctrinal clarity on China factor What next? As the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict currently lies in a fragile truce, and peace negotiations continue, now is the time for India to mature its defence partnership with Armenia—building resilience and establishing India as a reliable long-term partner. Several strategic avenues lie ahead: continuing direct weapons sales; integrating Armenian start-ups into 'Make in India' and 'Make for the World' initiatives; and cooperating within broader security frameworks. One such avenue is the trilateral cooperation mechanism. While India is Armenia's largest defence supplier, France holds the second position. Given India and France's robust defence ties and a shared industrial roadmap, co-producing and co-exporting to third countries could be a mutual win. Beyond France, Armenia's growing defence ties with Greece and Cyprus—especially following their 2024 trilateral agreement—indicate a broader alignment aimed at counterbalancing Turkish and Pakistani influence in the region. In the evolving geopolitical landscape of the Caucasus, there is growing potential for deeper cooperation between India, France, and Greece to support Armenia's security architecture. For India, the key lies in transitioning from a transactional approach—centered on arms sales—to a more mature framework that ensures its rapidly expanding military footprint in the region is not only sustained but institutionalised. The prudent course for New Delhi then is to pursue long-term engagement as a credible security partner through joint exercises and coordinated activities with like-minded players. Stakes in Armenia's stabilisation Although defence cooperation is indeed the most visible symbol of India's presence in the region, there is more beneath the surface. At present, Armenia is navigating complex negotiations for a peace agreement with its neighbours. For a landlocked country encircled by adversarial powers—Azerbaijan and Turkey—and a disengaged Russia, survival depends on leveraging its geography. Armenia's evolving strategy is to position itself as a vital connectivity hub for regional corridors. What may appear as a compromise today could, in fact, become a long-term stabilisation model for this nation of just three million people with strong nationalist sentiment. From India's perspective, the stakes are both economic and strategic. The International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), which begins in Mumbai and extends through Iran's Bandar Abbas to the Persian Gulf, continues northward through Baku en route to Moscow. India has also been pushing for connecting INSTC to another Iranian port, Chabahar, which has significant Indian investments. This corridor stands to gain significantly from new trade links that include Armenia. India and Iran, in cooperation with Armenia, have been promoting this under a trilateral framework. Specifically, connectivity through Armenia's southern Syunik province not only enhances regional trade dynamics but also offers India a counterweight to the growing Turkey-Azerbaijan axis in the Caucasus. Armenia, already a reliable buyer of Indian defence platforms, is increasingly poised to serve as India's strategic gateway into the South Caucasus. From there, India can diversify westward through Georgia into the Black Sea and Europe, or eastward into Central Asia and the Caspian basin. This vision, while ambitious, aligns with India's growing infrastructure footprint along the broader Mediterranean arc. Take, for example, India's interest in connecting the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) with the Three Seas Initiative—linking Eastern European, Baltic, and Adriatic markets. With the capability to develop port and transport infrastructure across critical maritime zones, India is uniquely positioned to counterbalance not only China's influence in Central Asia but also Turkey's growing dominance in the Caucasus. Importantly, if played intelligently, India's long-standing ties with Russia could act as a facilitator, not an obstacle, to these ambitions. Whether this interconnected vision eventually extends to include the Arctic—where geopolitical competition and contestation will intensify as ice caps recede—remains to be seen. But the trajectory is clear: India is readying itself for a broader, bolder role in the regions shaping tomorrow's geopolitics through symbiotic relationships. Swasti Rao is a consulting editor at ThePrint and a foreign policy expert. She tweets @swasrao. Views are personal. (Edited by Ratan Priya)
Business Recorder
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Recorder
Russia blames arms delays to Armenia on Ukraine war
YEREVAN: Russia has been struggling to supply its traditional ally Armenia with weapons due to the ongoing strain of the Ukraine war, Moscow's foreign minister said Wednesday. Armenia, a landlocked ex-Soviet country in the Caucasus, has long relied on Moscow to provide weapons and security in its standoff with neighbouring Azerbaijan. But Yerevan has in recent years turned to France and India for arms purchases, as Moscow fails to deliver weapons the country has already paid for. Russia has thrown huge budgetary and military resources at its three-year invasion of Ukraine, often at the expense of other foreign policy commitments, analysts say. At a press conference in Yerevan alongside Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan, Lavrov acknowledged some weapons contracts had been delayed or reassigned, citing what he described as an existential confrontation with the West. Vladimir Putin visits Kursk region for first time since ejecting Ukrainian forces 'We are currently in a situation where, as has happened throughout history, we are forced to fight all of Europe,' Lavrov said, accusing European nations of backing Ukraine 'under Nazi slogans'. 'Our Armenian friends understand that in such conditions we cannot fulfil all our obligations on time,' he said. Commenting on Armenia's growing military ties with other suppliers, including France, Lavrov said Russia would not oppose Yerevan procuring arms from third countries but said the move raised concerns about Armenia's strategic direction. 'When an ally turns to a country like France, which leads the hostile camp and whose president and ministers speak openly with hatred toward Russia, it does raise questions,' he said. His comments come amid growing strains between Moscow and Yerevan, as Armenia deepens its ties with the West while remaining formally allied with Russia. Armenia has effectively frozen its participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), a Russian-led security umbrella of ex-Soviet countries. Armenia also accused Russian peacekeepers of failing to protect over 100,000 ethnic Armenians who fled Karabakh after Azerbaijan's lightning military operation and takeover of the region in 2023.
Newsweek
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Newsweek
Putin Ally Issues Warning on Nuclear Weapons and 'New Global War'
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. The leader of a Russia-led military alliance, Imangali Tasmagambetov, has warned that the world faces the "risk of a new global war" due to recent instability and the proliferation of nuclear weapons among major powers, according to Russian news agency TASS. Newsweek reached out to the U.S. State Department by submission form on Thursday morning for comment. Why It Matters World tensions have been rising since Russian President Vladimir Putin's decision to invade Ukraine in early 2022. The Kremlin leader has repeatedly leaned on the nation's nuclear weapons as a thinly-veiled threat throughout the conflict, but officials have ramped up those warnings as the U.S. pursues an end to the conflict. President Donald Trump said during his 2024 presidential campaign that he would bring the Russia-Ukraine war to an end "in a day" after taking office, but nearly 100 days into his second administration, those efforts appear far from an endgame. Trump has even warned he may abandon his diplomatic efforts altogether if a deal doesn't soon materialize. Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Wednesday abruptly pulled out of discussions with Kyiv and European officials after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky heavily criticized reports that the U.S. would seek territorial concessions in order to achieve a peace deal. Left to right: President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko (L), President of Kyrgyzstan Sadyr Japarov, President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Russian President Vladimir Putin, President of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon and the Secretary-General of the Collective Security... Left to right: President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko (L), President of Kyrgyzstan Sadyr Japarov, President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Russian President Vladimir Putin, President of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon and the Secretary-General of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, Imangali Tasmagambetov, in Astana, Kazakhstan, on November 28, 2024. More Gavriil Grigorov/POOL/AFP via Getty Images What To Know Tasmagambetov, the secretary-general of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), this week spoke at a conference at the Central Museum of the Armed Forces of Russia in Moscow, where he raised concerns about a new worldwide conflict. "The current transitional period carries the risk of a new global war being unleashed. We know that nuclear weapons and the near universal tendency towards military escalation make a third world war a real possibility," Tasmagambetov said. "This makes the analysis of conflict potentials in the modern world both timely and vital—not only for academic study but for international political practice." The CSTO is an organization comprised of former Soviet Union states Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan, first formed in 1992, but reformatted into the CSTO in 2002. Tasmagambetov spoke of the alliance's keen awareness of the security challenges in the current international security landscape. He said that it is "our sacred duty to fight for the preservation of our historical memory, to resist any attempts to distort the events of those years, to belittle the significance of the great feat of the Soviet people." "Amid today's complex environment of profound geopolitical shifts, CSTO member states are jointly responding to many security challenges, strengthening military brotherhood and fine-tuning cooperation mechanisms to counter common threats," Tasmagambetov said. "In this sense, the organization stands as a worthy heir to those traditions that helped the peoples of the USSR to achieve their Great Victory." The Soviet Union's "Great Victory" refers to the defeat of Nazi Germany in World War II, which Russia celebrates annually with its Victory Day holiday. Putin has accused Ukraine of having Nazi elements and used that as part of his justification to invade the country. He has repeatedly declared the invasion a mission of "denazification" in Ukraine, invoking the memory of Victory Day to try to rally his nation behind his cause. What People Are Saying Russian Secretary of the Security Council Sergei Shoigu on Thursday told TASS: "...in the event of foreign states committing unfriendly actions that pose a threat to the sovereignty and territory integrity of the Russian Federation, our country considers it legitimate to take symmetric and asymmetric measures necessary to suppress such actions and prevent their recurrence." Vice President JD Vance told reporters in India on Wednesday: "We have engaged in an extraordinary amount of diplomacy and on-the-ground work. We really tried to understand things from the perspectives of both Ukrainians and Russians. I think that we put together a very fair proposal." "It's time for them to either say yes, or for the United States to walk away from this process. The current lines, somewhere close to them is where you're ultimately, I think, going to draw the new lines in the conflict." What Happens Next Trump and his advisers will continue to push for a deal between Ukraine and Russia, but patience is wearing thin on all sides as each fails to draw closer to a proper deal.
Yahoo
01-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Armenia refuses to finance Russian-led CSTO security alliance budget
Armenia has refused to pay its contributions to the budget of the Moscow-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) for the past year, the country's Foreign Ministry said on March 31, after suspending its participation in the military alliance in August 2024. "Armenia refrains from signing the decision 'On the CSTO budget for 2024' and, accordingly, from participating in financing the organization's activities," a statement from the Foreign Ministry read. The decision comes as the latest in a series of steps the country has taken to distance itself from the Russian-led security alliance. The CSTO, established in 2002, includes Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan. Russia is by far the most powerful member of the alliance. The decision comes as earlier this year Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced that Armenia had suspended its participation in the CSTO "at all levels." Armenia first announced it would not the bloc's financing in May 2024. Armenia has had a historically close relationship with Russia, especially vis-a-vis its primary regional foe Azerbaijan, and has thus largely refrained from getting involved in Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine. The calculus changed after Russian "peacekeepers" failed to prevent Azerbaijan's offensive into the Nagorno-Karabakh region, primarily populated by ethnic Armenians, in September 2023. Disappointed with Russia and fearing renewed hostilities with Baku, Yerevan has turned West for new partnerships. On March 26, the Armenian parliament passed a bill "On starting the process of accession of the Republic of Armenia to the European Union" in its second and final reading, though the South Caucasus country is yet to submit a EU membership application. In late January, then-U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan signed a strategic partnership commission charter between the U.S and Armenia, establishing a framework for expanded bilateral cooperation in the areas of economic cooperation, security and defense, and democracy, among others. Despite not submitted a statement regarding the suspension of the country's membership, Pashinyan said that his country's return to the CSTO was "increasingly more difficult if not impossible." Read also: Armenia's parliament passes bill on EU accessionWe've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
