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The Guardian
6 days ago
- General
- The Guardian
Why do so many Americans join the Israeli military?
In his 1971 novel The Day of the Jackal, Frederick Forsyth renders a rich plot to assassinate Charles de Gaulle, the French president. The conspirators are pied-noirs, the term used to describe Frenchmen born in Algeria during the colonial occupation there. They grieve De Gaulle's exit from north Africa, which they regard as a betrayal. Unable to remain in the former colony, they return home – dejected and emasculated – and murderous. In many ways, the pied-noirs regard themselves as being more French than the French. The novel derives some of its appeal from the fact that it's rooted in history – revanchist Frenchmen made at least six attempts to assassinate De Gaulle in the 1960s. Yigal Amir, the Israeli settler who assassinated Yitzhak Rabin in 1994, reportedly devoured the book, and drew inspiration from it. I began to reflect on the novel after reading about the recent Hamas-US prisoner deal. Edan Alexander, the American Israeli soldier who was held captive by Hamas for a year and a half, 'grew up in New Jersey and moved to Israel after high school to join the military', as reported by the New York Times. When I read that line I wondered what drove his radicalization – what leads an American teenager to travel to a foreign country to join an army whose primary occupation is apartheid? The question is meaningful in its particulars, but it also highlights a broader phenomenon: Alexander's path is not remotely unique. The Washington Post reported in February 2024 that 'an estimated 23,380 American citizens currently serve in Israeli ranks'. But they have traveled a trail worn and bloodied by others. Baruch Goldstein, an American Zionist who murdered 29 Palestinians in a mosque in Hebron in 1994, was from Brooklyn. The Post story, which profiles the families of Americans who died serving in the Israeli army, describes their 'fierce commitment to the Jewish state'. Two of the three families have lived or volunteered in settlements – the apartheid infrastructure Israel has built in the West Bank. One mother describes her son, who died while perpetrating a genocide in Gaza, as 'more Israeli than the Israelis'. A father describes his family's journey from America by saying: 'We came for Zionism.' The story goes on to describe the elaborate social apparatus through which young Americans are radicalized. One soldier who was killed in Gaza 'worked each year at a Zionist summer camp in Pennsylvania'. Reading the article, I got a strong sense of the brainwashing, the in-group dynamic at work. The families seem to regard their choices, and those of their children, as being normal – valiant, even. To be sure, the phenomenon of Americans joining foreign armies is not unique to Zionists or Israel. NPR reports that hundreds of Americans are fighting alongside Ukrainians in their war against the Russian occupation. But hundreds is not the same as tens of thousands, and fighting occupation is the opposite of investing in and propagating it. Now, with the genocide in Palestine, we're faced with a reality in which tens of thousands of Americans are actively involved in war crimes. They are part of an army responsible for the murder of more than 20,000 children in Gaza, where the Economist estimates that Israeli soldiers have killed between 77,000 and 109,000 people, or 4-5% of the territory's population in 2023. The radicalization of young Zionist men and women does not receive the attention it deserves by the FBI and law enforcement – as contrasted with the experience of Muslims, which is described by the writer Arun Kundnani in his book, The Muslims are Coming. The reason for their hesitation goes first to the history of antisemitism in the west, where Jewish people have been accused of harboring dual loyalties for hundreds of years. The Dreyfus Affair in France – in which a Jewish officer was falsely accused of treason – acts as exemplar here. And in Germany, Jewish veterans of the first world war found that they were Jewish before they were German. Berthold Guthmann, for example, received the Iron Cross for bravery in the first world war. He was murdered at Auschwitz in 1944 by his former colleagues. Good people do not want to be accused of antisemitism. And if talking about a headache makes it worse, it's better not to talk at all. But more than antisemitism, there's the fact of America's establishment affinity for Israel – which recalls the French sympathy for the pied-noirs in the 1950s. In Congress, Brian Mast has been known to wear the uniform of the Israeli military while performing official duties. He also volunteered for the Israeli army. The affinity is similar among Democrats, where Chuck Schumer told a New York Times columnist 'My job … is to keep the left pro-Israel.' The tendency to regard Israel as an extension of the United States exists within media as well. In an interview with Ta-Nehisi Coates, a CBS anchor described the author's work on Palestine as resembling 'extremist' writings. The network later distanced itself from the anchor's statements and behavior. A more recent example took place in May. In a tense interview on MSNBC, the Pulitzer prize-winning poet Mosab Abu Taha highlighted the fact that Israeli soldiers – men and women – are perpetrating mass murder in Gaza. Abu Taha went on to recount the stories of his own family who have been killed by Israeli pilots. He described how some of their bodies are irrecoverable – they have lain under the rubble of their bombed homes for more than 500 days. Abu Taha, through his clear description of the depredations of Israeli troops – and his unrelenting focus on their victims – offers a path. One can hope that American mothers and fathers may watch his interview, and others like it, and say: 'No, I do not want my son to be radicalized, to participate in an atrocity.' Surely, their love for their children demands it. Ahmed Moor is a writer and fellow at the Foundation for Middle East Peace
Irish Times
08-05-2025
- Politics
- Irish Times
Europe marks 80 years since VE day as Continent faces new security realities
Solemn ceremonies will be held at war memorials in towns and villages across France on Thursday as the country honours its dead and marks the 80th anniversary of the second World War Victory in Europe (VE) Day . In Paris , the president, Emmanuel Macron , will lay a wreath at the foot of Charles de Gaulle's statue, walk up the Champs-Élysées to the Arc de Triomphe, rekindle the eternal flame at the tomb of the Unknown Warrior and inspect the troops, on the country's public holiday, as it is every year. There will be a minute's silence, a rendition of the Marseillaise, a speech from Mr Macron on 'the values that triumphed in 1945″, military bands from six countries, a parade of French armed forces personnel, flags, wartime vehicles, re-enactors and a fly-past. But France is one of surprisingly few European countries to mark VE Day with such ceremony. Some commemorate it more modestly, without a public holiday; others call it something else entirely, or mark it on an altogether different day. READ MORE This year, as Donald Trump stretches postwar transatlantic bonds to breaking point and the continent's deadliest conflict since 1945 rages on in Ukraine, their differences are a stronger reminder than ever that peace in Europe is recent – and precarious. 'The 80th anniversary of the victory of 8 May 1945 implies, more than ever, a double responsibility,' the French defence ministry said in a statement this week: 'To the last surviving witnesses of the war, and to the younger generation.' In 2025, it is more essential than ever before that VE Day commemorations 'honour the sacrifices of those who fought and suffered – but also transmit their testimonies and their memories to the young people of today', the ministry said. That ambition is shared by Berlin, which for the first time will make the day a public holiday, as Germany – like the rest of the Continent – grapples with the changes eroding the postwar order that made it wealthy, stable and unwaveringly democratic. Across the capital, which has preserved a landscape of memory of the war and the Holocaust, a series of commemorations, exhibitions, witness accounts, theatre performances, public discussions, film screenings, concerts and guided tours are planned. Each of the former Nazi concentration camps on German soil, now preserved as memorials, has marked the date of their liberation by allied troops this spring with solemn ceremonies bringing together the dwindling ranks of survivors. Germany's newly elected chancellor, Friedrich Merz, will attend a remembrance ceremony in a war-damaged Berlin church, a wreath-laying ceremony and the central anniversary event, a parliamentary commemoration in the Reichstag. Europe has been rocked this year by several uncomfortable new realities. Mr Trump's US no longer appears to share with it the values that have underpinned the transatlantic alliance since 1945. Europe can plainly no longer rely on the US to defend it. The US peace plan for Ukraine, insofar as it exists, involves talking directly, and often deferentially, to the aggressor, Vladimir Putin's Russia, and seemingly adopting many of Moscow's talking points. 'The West, as we knew it, no longer exists,' was how Ursula von der Leyen, the head of the European Commission, put it. Acknowledging just how fundamentally the continent's security environment has altered, Europe is radically increasing defence spending. Mr Macron has set France a target of 3.5% of GDP this year, an increase of €30bn (£26bn) a year. Mr Merz has gone further. 'Given the threats to freedom and peace on our Continent, we must also say about our defence: whatever it takes,' he said. The once-frugal conservative secured a big boost to defence and infrastructure spending before he was even leader. Others are following: Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Poland, the Czech Republic, the Baltic States and even Moscow-friendly Hungary and Slovakia are among 16 EU states to trigger a budget exemption for significantly higher defence spending. Understandably, the closer countries are to Russia, the more alarmed they are and the more pressing they consider the problem. Similar differences were apparent after the war, and are reflected in each country's approach to marking its end. For western Europe, including the UK, VE Day largely heralded the return of liberty and the triumph of democracy, and marked the end of Nazi aggression and occupation, the slaughter of a generation of young men, and the horrors of the Holocaust. Even so, few commemorate it in the same way or even on the same day. Belgium combines its ceremonies with Armistice Day on November 11th, which marks the end of the first World War. the Netherlands and Denmark celebrate Liberation Day, on May 5th, a public holiday in the former but not the latter. Italy, one of Germany's wartime allies, also marks Liberation Day – victory over Mussolini's puppet government – but on April 25th. In central and eastern Europe, where Nazi occupation swiftly gave way to communist regimes, things are different again. Russia itself commemorates VE Day with a huge military parade on May 9th, for the simple reason that when the ceasefire that ended the war formally came into force at 11.01pm in Berlin on May 8th, 1945, it was already the following day in Moscow. This year, underlining Europe's ever-present political faultlines, the Kremlin has said Slovakia's Moscow-friendly prime minister, Robert Fico, and Aleksandar Vučić, Serbia's ultranationalist president, will attend, despite strong EU criticism. Several former east bloc states, from Belarus to Bosnia and Herzegovina, also still mark Victory Day on May 9th. Others, however, eager forget the Soviet period and to align themselves with the West since regaining their independence, have switched to the eighth, including Poland, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. – Guardian
Yahoo
08-05-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Odile de Vasselot, aristocratic French resistance agent who helped Allied airmen reach safety
Odile de Vasselot, who has died aged 103, served in the French Resistance during the Second World War as a liaison agent and escort for escaped prisoners and Allied airmen; her involvement in the mainly working-class movement was unusual because she had been born into an aristocratic family. One of four children, Odile de Vasselot de Régné was born on January 6 1922 to Lt-Col Gaston de Vasselot de Régné and Chantal, née de Cugnac, in Saumur in the Loire Valley, the seat of the French cavalry school, where her father was an instructor. The family had a long and distinguished military history. Her maternal grandfather was a general, and an ancestor had fought against the British in the American War of Independence. During Odile's childhood the family followed her father around military postings, including in Dijon and Metz, where they became friendly with then Colonel Charles de Gaulle. Odile recalled playing with de Gaulle's son, Philippe. Her father was taken prisoner by the Germans during the invasion of France, and on June 18 1940, listening to the BBC on a radio made by her brother at the family castle in Poitou, Odile heard General de Gaulle's call to the French people to fight on: 'I came down to the living room, and I said, 'You know what I just heard – de Gaulle is in London. He's calling people to come to him, quickly.' Right away, we were all with General de Gaulle.' Her mother moved with Odile and her siblings to Paris where, on November 11, Odile took part in the student demonstration on the Champs-Élysées, the first public act of resistance against the occupation. 'It was necessary to act,' she recalled in 2023: 'It was not possible to do nothing.' Although she and her siblings staged freelance acts of resistance, such as chalking the Lorraine Cross on walls and tearing down German and Vichy propaganda posters, she felt frustrated at being unable to do more. Her chance came at the end of 1942, when a friend put her in touch with a Resistance group known as the Zero network, and under the code name 'Danièle' she was tasked with transporting mail between network members in Paris and Toulouse, taking the night train on Friday and returning to Paris, via an overnight train, on Sunday morning. 'The hardest part was lying to my mother about my activities, especially since I had to stay out two nights a week,' she recalled. At that time, 'young women were kept under close watch. Everything I did, I had to tell my mother about it.' By the end of the year, arrests had made it dangerous to work with the Zero network so, under a new pseudonym, 'Jeanne', Odile joined another group, the Comet network. For two months, until early 1944, she trudged through muddy fields at the Belgian frontier, meeting up with Allied airmen and parachutists, accompanying them to France, then helping them to return to Britain via Spain. Odile de Vasselot: she ate the ticket stubs of the airmen she had been escorting - ALAIN JOCARD/afp On January 4 she was escorting two British airmen on a train from Lille to Paris when the Gestapo burst into the compartment and arrested the men. 'The boys walked past me, didn't wink at me, but looked at me,' she recalled. 'I imagine they wanted to say thank you anyway, good luck... They were only prisoners of war and came back. 'What still amazes me is that the Germans didn't know the conductor was a young girl. Since I was blue-eyed, blonde, and young they didn't ask me anything.' She still had the men's ticket stubs in her pocket: 'I ate them.' She rejoined the Zero network that summer, as the Allies were moving toward Paris, and in August 1944 she participated in the liberation of the city. After the war, she graduated in history at the Sorbonne and joined the Saint-François-Xavier apostolic community as a consecrated laywoman. In 1959, the congregation sent her to Abidjan, in Ivory Coast, where she founded and directed a school for girls, the lycée Sainte-Marie. After retiring to Paris in 1988, she devoted much of her time to touring schools to share her story, passing on, as she put it, 'love of country, the rejection of the intolerable, empathy, and respect for cultures.' Among many honours, Odile de Vasselot was presented with the British King's Medal for Courage in the Cause of Freedom and in November last year she was appointed Grand Officer of the National Order of Merit by President Macron at the Élysée Palace. Odile de Vasselot, born January 6 1922, died April 21 2025 Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Khaleej Times
23-02-2025
- Politics
- Khaleej Times
French nuclear-powered carrier makes first visit to Philippines
Rising tensions in the South China Sea have made freedom of navigation exercises "even more important", France's ambassador to the Philippines said on Sunday, as the nuclear-powered Charles De Gaulle made its first port visit to the country. The aircraft carrier strike group, which includes a trio of destroyers, joined the Philippine Navy on Friday for drills in the disputed waterway that Manila said were aimed at enhancing "interoperability, communication, and defense capabilities". The visit to Subic Bay north of Manila comes as the Philippines looks to strengthen relations with like-minded countries in the face of increasingly tense confrontations with China over reefs and waters in the sea. "Knowing the rise of tensions, it's even more important to uphold international law and the freedom of navigation, be it at sea or in the air," Ambassador Marie Fontanel said on the deck of the carrier. She added that France stood with countries, like the Philippines, that shared those values. France, which has nearly two million citizens in its Pacific territories, has been seeking to reassert its importance in the region, where China and the United States are battling for influence. The French Navy's months-long operation Clemenceau 25, which included exercises with the United States and Japan in the Philippine Sea last week, was aimed at projecting power "in strategic zones where regional tensions are growing and the law of the sea is challenged by force", it said in a statement. France is one of a handful of European countries that regularly conduct freedom of navigation patrols in the South China Sea. China claims most of the sea including waters close to the shores of the Philippines and several other neighbours, ignoring an international tribunal ruling that its claims are without legal basis. The Philippines and France have also been discussing a visiting forces agreement that would allow them to deploy troops on each other's territory. Manila already has similar pacts with the United States and Australia. Japan is expected to ratify its own visiting forces deal soon, while Canada and New Zealand are also in negotiations to join that group. The Philippines said in November that its coast guard would acquire 40 fast patrol craft from France, with plans to deploy some of them in disputed areas of the South China Sea. Philippine Coast Guard Commandant Admiral Ronnie Gil Gavan at the time called the deal the "largest so far single purchase" in Manila's ongoing effort to modernise its coast guard, with deliveries set to start in four years. The 25.8 billion pesos (about $440 million) deal is to be funded by development aid from the French government.
Yahoo
06-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
A flurry of international naval drills around the Philippines prompts complaints from Beijing
TAIPEI, Taiwan (AP) — A flurry of naval drills surrounding the Philippines involving the United States and its partners has prompted complaints from Beijing, which claims the entire South China Sea and accuses Manila of colluding with others to destabilize the region. The U.S. 7th Fleet based in Japan said forces from Australia, Japan, the Philippines, and the U.S. conducted a 'multilateral Maritime Cooperative Activity' within the Philippines' Exclusive Economic Zone on Wednesday. Such drills 'strengthen the interoperability of our defense/armed forces doctrines, tactics, techniques, and procedures," the fleet said in a news release. The maneuvers were taking place within the Philippines' zone, but the fleet gave no details on the exact location. See for yourself — The Yodel is the go-to source for daily news, entertainment and feel-good stories. By signing up, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Policy. More exercises involving the U.S., Japan and France were planned for later this week in the Philippines Sea, which China does not claim. That exercise 'is designed to advance coordination and cooperation between French, Japanese and U.S. maritime forces while simultaneously demonstrating capabilities in multi-domain operations,' the fleet said. The U.S. aircraft carrier Carl Vinson, French carrier Charles De Gaulle and Japan's Izumo-class multi-functional destroyer Kaga will take part in the drill starting Saturday, along with their escorts and air wings, the fleet said. France's participation is especially significant because of the distance from its home base, 6,000 kilometers (3,700 miles) away in Toulouse, commander of the Carrier Strike Group Rear Adm. Jacques Mallard was quoted as saying. Meanwhile, Tian Junli, spokesperson for China's Southern Theater Command, accused the Philippines of 'colluding with outside countries to organize 'so-called joint patrols', " which he said 'destabilize the region," Chinese state media said on Thursday. Tian said the Philippines actions were 'an attempt to endorse its 'illegal claims' in the South China Sea and 'undermine China's maritime rights and interests." He specifically pointed to U.S.-Philippines joint patrols on Tuesday and said China had carried out its own patrols in the region on Wednesday. China is one of six regional powers that claims the strategic South China Sea in part or in whole, ignoring a ruling by a United Nations-backed court that tossed out most of its claims and building human-made islands equipped with airstrips and other infrastructure of military use. China's coast guard and maritime militia frequently clash with ships from fellow claimants Vietnam and the Philippines. Though it claims not to disrupt shipping or overflights in the sea, through which an estimated $5 trillion in global trade transits each year, China is adamantly opposed to foreign military shipping in the area. The waterway is also believed to be sitting atop vast undersea deposits of oil and gas and while China says it wants to come to a negotiated agreement about the use of the sea, such efforts have made little progress. China says the U.S. and other countries that don't border on the sea should have no say in affairs concerning it, although the U.S. — which takes no formal stand on sovereignty issues involving the sea — has maintained bases and alliances in the region long before China made its formal claim to sovereignty using the so-called 'eight dash line.' Beijing is especially angered over U.S. 'freedom of navigation operations' in which Navy ships sail close to Chinese-held maritime features to show Washington does not recognize China's sovereignty claims.
