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The Print
3 days ago
- Politics
- The Print
Operation Black Forest—how Modi-Shah's push for a Naxalism-free India is gaining ground
A significant achievement has been the elimination of a top Maoist leader, Basavaraju or Nambala Keshava Rao, in Chattisgarh's Abujhmad on 21 May. This operation, code-named Operation Black Forest, was aimed at dismantling Naxal and Maoist networks. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah are determined to eradicate Left Wing Extremism in the country and this was reflected in the latter's words: 'Our target is to end it completely by March 31, 2026.' While India celebrated the success of Operation Sindoor, another effective operation was underway in the heartland of India. The war against Left Wing Extremism has been quietly and steadily taking place in the country's interiors where a Red corridor existed from 'Pashupati to Tirupati', undermining the progress made under the democratic reforms as envisioned by the founding fathers of the Indian Constitution. What is Naxalism? Naxalism is a far-Left political ideology inspired by a blend of Lenin's ideologies, Karl Marx's theories, and Mao Zedong's form of Communism. It derives its name from Naxalbari, a hamlet in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal, where a group led by the trio of Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, and Jangal Santhal, rose up and created an armed conflict in 1967. The uprising was speedily quashed by the state government. But it sparked off a nationwide movement, all the way from the borders of Nepal to the temple towns of southern India. The Naxalites used violence in the name of ideological or philosophical ideals. They called it an uprising against injustice and class struggle, or an armed revolution, where ideologies were imported from the Communist Bloc to destroy democratic values in India. The movement is also influenced by Mao's People's War, based on guerrilla warfare and rural uprising, hence giving rise to the moniker 'Maoists'. The Maoists consider the country and the Indian Constitution as their enemy and constantly engage in guerrilla-style warfare against the state. After Charu Majumdar's death in 1972, the Communist Party of India Marxist-Leninist, which he founded, weakened and splintered up, only to get a new lifeline in the 1990s and early 2000s. While the Communist parties remained within the parameters of the Constitution, the CPI (Maoist) operated as a fringe outfit, indulging in law and order violations with a militant mindset to fight the state. Their activities extended in primarily rural, mineral-rich, and underdeveloped belts of Jharkhand, Bihar, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh. The central goal has been to capture power through armed insurrection and violence. The CPI (Maoist) emerged in 2004 with the merger of splinter groups, namely the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India. While China, the country where this ideology originated, does not allow such extremist philosophies to operate on its soil, in India, these organisations have been placed on terrorist list and are banned under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. Also read: The very people that Naxals claimed to fight for have rejected them Why was it important to curtail Maoism? According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Maoist insurgency has become a serious internal security challenge and an 'impediment to the nation-building process'. The Maoists had set up a parallel government in remote and less–inhabited areas, leading to a governmental vacuum and a concerning security situation that threatened the integrity and sovereignty of India. They do not recognise private investment and infrastructure development, and are against government welfare schemes. They ran parallel governments, engaged in unlawful activities like arms trafficking and extortion, and obstructed the functioning of schools and hospitals to ensure their sphere of influence prospered. The principles of Maoism erode the very tenets of democracy, as they are against free and fair elections and the democratic process. Maoists claim to protect the interests of the tribals and the landless, but in reality, they deny access to development and welfare for these neglected people. According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, the Maoist insurgency has claimed nearly 12,000 lives since 2000. Not only are the poor civilians caught in the crossfire between the insurgents and the police forces, but valuable resources and funds that could be used for infrastructural development are diverted for anti-insurgency operations. There ought to be no misunderstanding: Maoists are a threat to national security, as they vociferously reject the Indian Constitution and aim to overthrow democratically elected governments through violence and anarchy, with the ultimate aim to control resources and create a parallel economy of terror and disruption. Economic consequences of the 'Red' movement The 'Red corridor' has been reduced to a handful of 'Red' hotspots, as per the MHA. The economic consequences of Left Wing Extremism have been far-reaching and monumental, mainly due to loss and damage to infrastructure, power lines, bridges, railway tracks; and the costs of deployment of security forces, loss to industry and mining operations. Further, according to a 2009 Hindustan Times report, a parallel economy worth Rs 1,500 crore had been operating in Naxal-affected regions, where these LWE groups would extort money from contractors and industrial houses to line the pockets of their commanders. Often, companies are compelled to pay huge sums to ensure their operations are not disrupted. Moreoever, naxalism impacts foreign investments as well. Also read: Success against Maoist leader Basavaraju was unthinkable a few years ago—here's what changed BJP government's action plan In 2006, a Left Wing Extremism Division was created under the aegis of the Ministry of Home Affairs to monitor and control this scourge of society. A concerted game plan was initiated to counter this homegrown terror. The Union Home Minister would meet with the chief ministers of LWE-affected states every year and make personal visits to review the situation on the ground. The Cabinet Secretary is also expected to hold regular review meetings with the Chief Secretaries, the DGs and the DGPs. A concerted plan to end the Naxal movement is in place, and it is clear that PM Modi and Amit Shah mean business. 'The day is not far when Maoist violence will be completely eradicated from the country,' PM Modi said last week while announcing infrastructure projects worth over Rs 48,520 crore in Bihar's Karakat. Schemes to strengthen the security forces against LWE have been initiated such as the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) scheme, Special Infrastructure Scheme (SIS), and Fortified Police Station scheme under which 626 such police stations have been constructed. The Road Requirement Plan-I (RRP-I) for LWE-affected areas scheme is being implemented by the Ministry of Road Transport & Highways for improving road connectivity in 34 LWE affected districts of eight states—Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, and Uttar Pradesh. This scheme envisaged construction of 5,361 km road lengths in LWE-affected states, of which 5,204 km roads have been completed, according to the home ministry. Another scheme, Road Connectivity Project for LWE-affected areas (RCPLWE), worth Rs 11,725 crore, has been approved for the construction of 12,228 km of roads and 705 bridges sanctioned in LWE-affected states under the Ministry of Rural Development, out of which 9,506 km roads and 479 bridge works have been completed. Three telecom projects—Mobile Connectivity Project Phase-I & Phase-II, Provision of 4G mobile services in the villages of aspirational districts, and Saturation of 4G mobile services—are being implemented in LWE-affected areas to improve telecom connectivity. In total, 10,511 mobile towers are planned in LWE-affected areas under these projects, of which 7,777 mobile towers have been installed so far. This will help monitor and control Naxal terrorism in the affected areas. The Aspirational Districts Programme (ADP), launched in 2018, has also been a game-changer in uplifting underdeveloped districts through data-driven and inclusive governance. The double engine of PM Modi and Amit Shah envisage a holistic integration of former Naxalites into a civil society based on the tenets of inclusion and equality as envisaged by the founding fathers of the Constitution of India, creating a space for positive dialogue and rehabilitation of former rebels. Outreach programmes for the tribal youth are being conducted and a budget of Rs 52.5 crore has been released for this purpose. It involves influencing the youth through jingles, pamphlet distribution, and documentaries to help them eschew the path of conflict and embrace life under the umbrella of the Constitution. The aim is to mainstream the people by encouraging them to leave the path of violence and choose peace and prosperity to help build an inclusive society. Meenakashi Lekhi is a BJP leader, lawyer and social activist. Her X handle is @M_Lekhi. Views are personal. (Edited by Aamaan Alam Khan)
Yahoo
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
‘Warzone': Why Indian forces have launched a deadly assault on Maoists
Raipur, Chhattisgarh – Indian security forces have launched an all-out war against Maoist fighters in Chhattisgarh state, as the federal government aims to 'wipe out' long-running armed rebellions in the mineral-rich tribal region of the country. The Karrigatta hills forest, which straddles across Chhattisgarh and Telangana states, has turned into a 'warzone' with more than 10,000 Indian soldiers deployed in the anti-Maoist operation – dubbed 'Operation Zero or Kagar'. The right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which runs both the state as well as the central government, has drastically escalated security operations, killing at least 201 Maoist rebels, also known as Naxals, this year. At least 27 rebels were killed on Wednesday, including the leader of the Maoists. In the past 16 months, more than 400 alleged Maoist rebels have been killed in Chhattisgarh state, home to a sizable population of Adivasis (meaning original inhabitants or Indigenous people). But activists are alarmed: They say many of those killed are innocent Adivasis. And campaigners and opposition leaders are urging the government to cease fire and hold talks with Maoist rebels to find a solution to the decades-old issue. More than 11,000 civilians and security forces have been killed in clashes involving Maoist fighters between 2000 and 2024, according to official figures. Security forces have killed at least 6,160 Maoist fighters during the same period, according to police and Maoist figures. So, will the government's hardline approach help bring peace, or will it further alienate the Adivasis, who are already one of the most marginalised groups in the country?The armed rebellion in India originated in a 1967 rural uprising in the small town of Naxalbari, located in West Bengal state. The word Naxal comes from the town's name. Led by communist leaders Kanu Sanyal, Charu Majumdar, and Jungle Santal, the armed uprising called for addressing the issues of landlessness and exploitation of the rural poor by landlords. The three leaders founded the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (CPI(ML)) on April 22, 1969, to wage armed rebellion against the Indian state. They believed that their demands were not going to be met by the prevailing democratic set-up. The Naxal rebels were also inspired by the revolutionary ideology of the Chinese leader Mao Zedong. Modelled on the Chinese communist party's approach to capturing the state, they waged a violent rebellion against the Indian security forces in mineral-rich central and eastern India for decades. The West Bengal government, led by Congress leader Siddhartha Shankar Ray, launched a fierce campaign to suppress the Naxalite uprising. I once again assure the countrymen that India is sure to be Naxal-free by 31 March 2026 by Amit Shah, home minister Sanyal, one of the founding leaders of the movement, told this reporter in 2010 that 'by 1973, at least 32,000 Naxalites or sympathisers had been jailed across India.' 'Many were killed in fake encounters. And when the Emergency was declared in June 1975, it was clear- the sun had almost set on the Naxalite movement,' he said. He died in 2010, aged 78, apparently by suicide in Siliguri. Over the years, the CPI(ML) splintered into multiple parties, more than 20 of which still exist. The main CPI(ML) itself gave up armed struggle, expressed faith in the Indian Constitution and began participating in electoral politics. Currently, it is a legally recognised political organisation with several legislators. Meanwhile, in 1980, one of the splinters, the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War, was founded by Kondapalli Seetharamayya and Kolluri Chiranjeevi in Andhra Pradesh. Another major breakaway faction, the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC), had a base in Bihar and West Bengal states. In September 2004, the MCC and CPI(ML) People's War merged, resulting in the formation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the largest armed Maoist organisation in India today. The organisation's most recent general secretary, Nambala Keshava Rao, alias Basavaraj, was killed by security forces on Wednesday in Bastar, Chhattisgarh – the last stronghold of Maoists. The BJP-run Chhattisgarh state government has adopted a more aggressive stance against Maoists compared with the previous government led by the Congress party. At least 141 Maoists were killed between 2020 and 2023, when the Congress party was in power, but after the BJP came to power, security forces claimed to have killed 223 alleged Maoists in 2024 alone, according to government figures. 'For the past 15 months, our security personnel have been strongly fighting the Naxals,' Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai told Al Jazeera. 'This action is part of the broader efforts, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah, to make India free from Naxalism. This is a decisive phase, and we are advancing rapidly in that direction,' he said. The security forces have currently surrounded suspected Maoist hideouts in Karigatta Hills, with the army's helicopters assisting in the operation, according to authorities. Whether it's the Maoists or the DRG, the one who kills is tribal and the one who dies is also tribal by Former Member of Parliament Arvind Netam On May 14, India's Home Minister Amit Shah announced the killing of 31 fighters in the Karrigatta Hills. 'I once again assure the countrymen that India is sure to be Naxal-free by 31 March 2026,' Shah reiterated in his post on X. Overall, nearly 66,000 security personnel spanning a range of paramilitary and special forces have been deployed in Chhattisgarh. The latest operation, which involves more than 10,000 soldiers, centres around the mineral-rich Bastar region of Chhattisgarh, which spans 38,932 square kilometres (15,032sq miles) – an area nearly the size of the US state of Kentucky. The government has set up approximately 320 security camps in Bastar alone – home to three million people. The number of personnel at each security camp fluctuates depending on the requirement: It can be as low as 150 personnel and rise up to 1,200. They include security forces, as well as technical staff. Security camps are often equipped with surveillance and communication equipment to assist in the operation against the rebels. The 20,000-strong local police force is also helping in the operations in Bastar. The use of cutting-edge technology, such as advanced drones equipped with high-definition cameras and thermal imaging sensors, has helped security forces monitor Maoist activity in the region's dense forests. However, local villagers allege that security forces have carried out aerial bombings in various parts of Bastar using large drones. Maoist groups have also accused the forces of conducting air strikes. Security forces have consistently denied these allegations. Shah, the home minister, has made frequent visits to Chhattisgarh, even spending nights with security forces in Bastar. But the federal government of former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who preceded Modi in India's top executive office, had also taken a tough stance against Naxals. Singh even called Naxalism the 'greatest internal security threat' to India, and his government launched a major crackdown in 2009 under what it called 'Operation Green Hunt' to quash the armed rebellion. Amid allegations of human rights violations, Indian security forces managed to reduce the terrain controlled by the Maoists. In the 2000s, Naxals controlled nearly one-third of India's mineral-rich tribal areas, known euphemistically as the Red Corridor, straddling the states of Chhattisgarh, Telangana, Odisha, Jharkhand and Maharashtra, among others. But the number of districts where Maoists wield significant influence had declined from 126 in 2013 to just 38 by April last year. As the government claims success in its military offensive, human rights groups such as the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) accuse the security forces of carrying out fake encounters or extrajudicial killings. 'A large-scale military campaign is being carried out under the pretext of eliminating Maoists,' Junas Tirkey, the president of the PUCL in Chhattisgarh state, said. 'Since 2024, violence, human rights violations, and militarisation have increased sharply in Bastar. Innocent tribals are being killed in fake encounters,' he told Al Jazeera. Since 2024, violence, human rights violations, and militarisation have increased sharply in Bastar. Innocent tribals are being killed in fake encounters by Junas Tirkey, president of the PUCL in Chhattisgarh The PUCL has identified at least 11 incidents as fake encounters over the past one and a half years. On March 25, police claimed it had killed Maoist rebels Sudhakar alias Sudhir, Pandru Atra, and Mannu Barsa in Bordga village, Bijapur, about 160km (100 miles) east of Bastar. But villagers allege the police's version is false. They claim that the police surrounded the village at night, took 17 people away, released seven, shot three, and took the remaining seven with them. The government has denied the allegations, but no independent investigation has been conducted in this case. The regular magisterial inquiry, which is carried out after so-called encounters, is not considered credible by rights groups and tribal communities as it is largely based on the police version of events. 'It's true that Sudhakar was a Maoist and came to visit someone in the village. But the police captured Sudhakar, my brother and others alive, took them away, and later shot them, falsely declaring it an encounter,' the brother of Mannu Barsa, Manesh Barsa, told Al Jazeera. Inspector general of police of Bastar region, Pattilingam Sundarraj, disagreed with these allegations. He claimed that Maoists often pressure locals to fabricate accusations against the police following encounters. However, multiple so-called encounters in Bastar have been proven fake in the past, and in most cases, justice has evaded victims. Even if they are eliminated from Bastar, Maoism is an ideology that cannot be defeated through violence alone by Former DGP Vishwaranjan Out of thousands of so-called encounters in Bastar in the last 25 years, only two have faced judicial inquiry. On June 28, 2012, 17 Adivasis, including six minors, were killed in Sarkeguda village in Bijapur district. On May 17, 2013, four minors were among eight Adivasis killed in Edasmeta village in the same district. The inquiries led by High Court judges found all victims to be innocent. The reports were released in 2022 during the previous Congress rule, though no police cases have been registered against any personnel to date. Even peaceful protests against mining projects and the militarisation of the region have been met with harsh crackdowns. The Moolvasi Bachao Manch (MBM), led by Adivasis, was banned last year for 'opposing development' and 'resisting security forces'. Dozens of Adivasi youth associated with MBM have been arrested since 2021. The recruitment of Adivasis, many of them former Maoists, in recent years by the authorities seems to have turned the tide in favour of the government. The then-BJP state government started to incorporate Adivasis, particularly former Maoists, in the District Reserve Guard (DRG) force in 2008 with the aim of using them in anti-Maoist operations. The idea: Former Maoists are better at navigating dense jungle terrain and know about Maoist hideouts. But past records have raised concerns. Adivasis enlisted as Special Police Officers (SPOs), as they were called, have been accused of rights violations. In 2005, the state government ruled by the Congress government launched a campaign against Maoists called Salwa Judum (meaning 'peace march' in the local Gondi language). Salwa Judum members were armed and were later designated as SPOs and paid 1,500 rupees/month ($17/month). On one hand, the government itself had proposed dialogue with the Maoists. But now, that same government has turned Bastar into a warzone by Soni Sori, Adivasi activist But Salwa Judum members faced accusations of rape, arson, torture and murder. In 2011, the Supreme Court declared Salwa Judum illegal and slammed the state for arming civilians. Subsequently, many SPOs were absorbed into the DRG. DRG personnel have also been accused of rights abuses, but such cases have rarely been investigated. Campaigners have also questioned the policy of using surrendered Maoists in combat instead of rehabilitating them. 'The manner in which SPOs were incorporated into the DRG is disturbing. It shows how tribal youth involved in violence were again handed guns under the pretext of rehabilitation,' lawyer and human rights activist Priyanka Shukla told Al Jazeera. Former Member of Parliament Arvind Netam believes Bastar is 'in a state of civil war'. In a situation like this, he says, it's the tribals who suffer the most. 'Whether it's the Maoists or the DRG, the one who kills is tribal and the one who dies is also tribal,' Netam, a tribal leader, told Al Jazeera. Campaigners have argued that Chhattisgarh's new rehabilitation policy, which promises bounties and cash rewards, incentivises people to turn on each other for money, often with allegations that may be legally untenable. Interestingly, while the government has intensified its offensive, it has also continued to offer peace talks to Maoists. 'We still reiterate, Maoists should come forward for dialogue after laying down their arms. Our doors for talks within the framework of the Indian Constitution are always open,' Chhattisgarh's Home Minister Vijay Sharma told local media last week. The Maoists, however, insist on a ceasefire and withdrawal of paramilitary forces as conditions for talks. They argue that peace talks and military operations cannot run simultaneously. In a statement, CPI (Maoist) spokesperson Abhay said, 'The right to life guaranteed by the Indian Constitution is being crushed by the government itself … On one hand, our party is trying to initiate unconditional dialogue, and on the other hand, ongoing killings of Maoists and tribals render the peace process meaningless.' Activists have raised concerns regarding the plight of Adivasi communities. Soni Sori, an Adivasi social activist from Bastar, believes the government must take the initiative for peace talks. 'On one hand, the government itself had proposed dialogue with the Maoists. But now, that same government has turned Bastar into a warzone,' Sori told Al Jazeera. 'Given the way these operations are being conducted, the government should halt them, foster an environment conducive to dialogue, and take meaningful steps toward initiating peace talks.' Human rights activists, academics and students have been targeted after being dubbed Naxal sympathisers. A 90 percent disabled professor from Delhi University, GN Saibaba was jailed for backing Maoists. Last October, he died months after being acquitted by the country's top court after a decade of incarceration. But state Chief Minister Sai says there will be no leniency in this matter. 'Naxal eradication is not just a campaign but a mission to secure Bastar and Chhattisgarh's future,' he said. In 2011, then-Director General of Police of Chhattisgarh Vishwaranjan estimated approximately 10,000 armed Maoists and 40,000 militia members in the Bastar region. Accurate numbers are hard to determine. The rebels were able to carry out deadly attacks against the security forces. In 2010, they killed 76 paramilitary troops in a forest ambush in Chhattisgarh. Three years later, dozens of people, including the Congress leader who founded the Salwa Judum, were killed in a rebel ambush. Current Bastar IGP Sundarraj P estimates about 1,000 armed Maoists remain, along with 15,000 affiliated individuals. Internal Maoist reports acknowledge declining recruitment, smaller units, and ammunition shortages. Of the 40 central committee and politburo members, only 18 remain free – the rest are either dead or arrested. Meanwhile, security forces have expanded, built new camps, and improved intelligence and training, while Maoists' base areas are shrinking. While our government is running an anti-Naxal campaign, we are also actively working on development projects by Vishnu Deo Sai, chief minister of Chhattisgarh Former DGP Vishwaranjan says Maoists are weakened in Chhattisgarh, but they have expanded into neighbouring Madhya Pradesh. 'Even if they are eliminated from Bastar, Maoism is an ideology that cannot be defeated through violence alone,' he told Al Jazeera. 'As long as we build a society on economic inequality, the ideology may resurface in a new form.' Defending his government's policies, Chief Minister Sai said that 'security and development go hand in hand.' 'While our government is running an anti-Naxal campaign, we are also actively working on development projects,' he said. Naxals have invoked the exploitation of natural resources, particularly through mining leases issued to global corporations, and the displacement of local communities, as their reasons for picking up guns in mineral-rich areas of the country. Thousands of Adivasis have been displaced and their local environments severely damaged due to mining activities. Of the 51 mineral leases in Bastar, 36 are held by private firms, including global steel major ArcelorMittal. Former MLA and tribal leader Manish Kunjam echoes a similar sentiment, arguing, 'The real issue is iron ore.' According to the Indian government, 19 percent of the country's iron ore reserves are in Chhattisgarh, mainly in Bastar. Chhattisgarh accounts for 18 percent of India's railway freight revenue, largely from mineral transport – and this is growing. Kunjam explained that when the corporations Tata and Essar began their projects in 2005 to mine iron ore, the state launched Salwa Judum, evacuating 644 villages under the pretext of Maoist fear. At least 350,000 people were displaced. However, strong tribal resistance forced the companies to withdraw. 'Learning from that failure, the government has now set up security camps in mining zones, preparing for renewed extraction,' he said. 'Without village council approval, mining cannot proceed. If tribals protest, they will be labelled as Maoists or sympathisers and dealt with accordingly.' A closer look at his claims reveals that most camps are indeed in areas where mining has begun or is about to. In Bastar's mining belt, there is one soldier for every nine tribals. Many of these camps are funded by mining companies. But Chief Minister Sai believes that the mineral resources in tribal areas should be utilised. The idea of generating revenue at the cost of tribal lives is dangerous and unconstitutional by Sushil Anand Shukla, opposition Congress party spokesperson 'The lives of tribals will change with the beginning of mining and industrial activities,' he said. He boasted that Chhattisgarh ranks second among mineral-producing states [after Odisha], earning approximately 14.19 billion rupees ($1.71bn) last year. This year, the state has allocated 48 major mineral blocks to private companies in the state. But mass poverty and lack of basic health facilities expose the government's claims. Netam, the tribal leader, pointed out that the state has an infant mortality rate of nearly 38 per 1,000 live births, compared to the national infant mortality rate of 28 per 1,000 live births. In Bastar, he said, poverty is 80 percent. The opposition Congress spokesperson Sushil Anand Shukla claimed that under the guise of mining, preparations were under way to completely displace tribals from Bastar. 'Today, Bastar stands on the brink of war, and its answers cannot be found by looking to the past. The government must stop surrendering to corporate houses and mining companies at the cost of evicting tribals,' Sushil Anand Shukla says. 'The idea of generating revenue at the cost of tribal lives is dangerous and unconstitutional,' he told Al Jazeera.
Wakala News
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Wakala News
‘Warzone': Why Indian forces have launched a deadly assault on Maoists
Raipur, Chhattisgarh – Indian security forces have launched an all-out war against Maoist fighters in Chhattisgarh state, as the federal government aims to 'wipe out' long-running armed rebellions in the mineral-rich tribal region of the country. The Karrigatta hills forest, which straddles across Chhattisgarh and Telangana states, has turned into a 'warzone' with more than 10,000 Indian soldiers deployed in the anti-Maoist operation – dubbed 'Operation Zero or Kagar'. The right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which runs both the state as well as the central government, has drastically escalated security operations, killing at least 201 Maoist rebels, also known as Naxals, this year. At least 27 rebels were killed on Wednesday, including the leader of the Maoists. In the past 16 months, more than 400 alleged Maoist rebels have been killed in Chhattisgarh state, home to a sizable population of Adivasis (meaning original inhabitants or Indigenous people). But activists are alarmed: They say many of those killed are innocent Adivasis. And campaigners and opposition leaders are urging the government to cease fire and hold talks with Maoist rebels to find a solution to the decades-old issue. More than 11,000 civilians and security forces have been killed in clashes involving Maoist fighters between 2000 and 2024, according to official figures. Security forces have killed at least 6,160 Maoist fighters during the same period, according to police and Maoist figures. So, will the government's hardline approach help bring peace, or will it further alienate the Adivasis, who are already one of the most marginalised groups in the country? Who are the Maoists, and why are they fighting against the Indian state? The armed rebellion in India originated in a 1967 rural uprising in the small town of Naxalbari, located in West Bengal state. The word Naxal comes from the town's name. Led by communist leaders Kanu Sanyal, Charu Majumdar, and Jungle Santal, the armed uprising called for addressing the issues of landlessness and exploitation of the rural poor by landlords. The three leaders founded the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (CPI(ML)) on April 22, 1969, to wage armed rebellion against the Indian state. They believed that their demands were not going to be met by the prevailing democratic set-up. The Naxal rebels were also inspired by the revolutionary ideology of the Chinese leader Mao Zedong. Modelled on the Chinese communist party's approach to capturing the state, they waged a violent rebellion against the Indian security forces in mineral-rich central and eastern India for decades. The West Bengal government, led by Congress leader Siddhartha Shankar Ray, launched a fierce campaign to suppress the Naxalite uprising. I once again assure the countrymen that India is sure to be Naxal-free by 31 March 2026 by Amit Shah, home minister Sanyal, one of the founding leaders of the movement, told this reporter in 2010 that 'by 1973, at least 32,000 Naxalites or sympathisers had been jailed across India.' 'Many were killed in fake encounters. And when the Emergency was declared in June 1975, it was clear- the sun had almost set on the Naxalite movement,' he said. He died in 2010, aged 78, apparently by suicide in Siliguri. Over the years, the CPI(ML) splintered into multiple parties, more than 20 of which still exist. The main CPI(ML) itself gave up armed struggle, expressed faith in the Indian Constitution and began participating in electoral politics. Currently, it is a legally recognised political organisation with several legislators. Meanwhile, in 1980, one of the splinters, the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War, was founded by Kondapalli Seetharamayya and Kolluri Chiranjeevi in Andhra Pradesh. Another major breakaway faction, the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC), had a base in Bihar and West Bengal states. In September 2004, the MCC and CPI(ML) People's War merged, resulting in the formation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the largest armed Maoist organisation in India today. The organisation's most recent general secretary, Nambala Keshava Rao, alias Basavaraj, was killed by security forces on Wednesday in Bastar, Chhattisgarh – the last stronghold of Maoists. Has the BJP intensified the campaign against Maoists? The BJP-run Chhattisgarh state government has adopted a more aggressive stance against Maoists compared with the previous government led by the Congress party. At least 141 Maoists were killed between 2020 and 2023, when the Congress party was in power, but after the BJP came to power, security forces claimed to have killed 223 alleged Maoists in 2024 alone, according to government figures. 'For the past 15 months, our security personnel have been strongly fighting the Naxals,' Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai told Al Jazeera. 'This action is part of the broader efforts, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah, to make India free from Naxalism. This is a decisive phase, and we are advancing rapidly in that direction,' he said. The security forces have currently surrounded suspected Maoist hideouts in Karigatta Hills, with the army's helicopters assisting in the operation, according to authorities. Whether it's the Maoists or the DRG, the one who kills is tribal and the one who dies is also tribal by Former Member of Parliament Arvind Netam On May 14, India's Home Minister Amit Shah announced the killing of 31 fighters in the Karrigatta Hills. 'I once again assure the countrymen that India is sure to be Naxal-free by 31 March 2026,' Shah reiterated in his post on X. Overall, nearly 66,000 security personnel spanning a range of paramilitary and special forces have been deployed in Chhattisgarh. The latest operation, which involves more than 10,000 soldiers, centres around the mineral-rich Bastar region of Chhattisgarh, which spans 38,932 square kilometres (15,032sq miles) – an area nearly the size of the US state of Kentucky. The government has set up approximately 320 security camps in Bastar alone – home to three million people. The number of personnel at each security camp fluctuates depending on the requirement: It can be as low as 150 personnel and rise up to 1,200. They include security forces, as well as technical staff. Security camps are often equipped with surveillance and communication equipment to assist in the operation against the rebels. The 20,000-strong local police force is also helping in the operations in Bastar. The use of cutting-edge technology, such as advanced drones equipped with high-definition cameras and thermal imaging sensors, has helped security forces monitor Maoist activity in the region's dense forests. However, local villagers allege that security forces have carried out aerial bombings in various parts of Bastar using large drones. Maoist groups have also accused the forces of conducting air strikes. Security forces have consistently denied these allegations. Shah, the home minister, has made frequent visits to Chhattisgarh, even spending nights with security forces in Bastar. But the federal government of former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who preceded Modi in India's top executive office, had also taken a tough stance against Naxals. Singh even called Naxalism the 'greatest internal security threat' to India, and his government launched a major crackdown in 2009 under what it called 'Operation Green Hunt' to quash the armed rebellion. Amid allegations of human rights violations, Indian security forces managed to reduce the terrain controlled by the Maoists. In the 2000s, Naxals controlled nearly one-third of India's mineral-rich tribal areas, known euphemistically as the Red Corridor, straddling the states of Chhattisgarh, Telangana, Odisha, Jharkhand and Maharashtra, among others. But the number of districts where Maoists wield significant influence had declined from 126 in 2013 to just 38 by April last year. As the government claims success in its military offensive, human rights groups such as the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) accuse the security forces of carrying out fake encounters or extrajudicial killings. 'A large-scale military campaign is being carried out under the pretext of eliminating Maoists,' Junas Tirkey, the president of the PUCL in Chhattisgarh state, said. 'Since 2024, violence, human rights violations, and militarisation have increased sharply in Bastar. Innocent tribals are being killed in fake encounters,' he told Al Jazeera. Since 2024, violence, human rights violations, and militarisation have increased sharply in Bastar. Innocent tribals are being killed in fake encounters by Junas Tirkey, president of the PUCL in Chhattisgarh The PUCL has identified at least 11 incidents as fake encounters over the past one and a half years. On March 25, police claimed it had killed Maoist rebels Sudhakar alias Sudhir, Pandru Atra, and Mannu Barsa in Bordga village, Bijapur, about 160km (100 miles) east of Bastar. But villagers allege the police's version is false. They claim that the police surrounded the village at night, took 17 people away, released seven, shot three, and took the remaining seven with them. The government has denied the allegations, but no independent investigation has been conducted in this case. The regular magisterial inquiry, which is carried out after so-called encounters, is not considered credible by rights groups and tribal communities as it is largely based on the police version of events. 'It's true that Sudhakar was a Maoist and came to visit someone in the village. But the police captured Sudhakar, my brother and others alive, took them away, and later shot them, falsely declaring it an encounter,' the brother of Mannu Barsa, Manesh Barsa, told Al Jazeera. Inspector general of police of Bastar region, Pattilingam Sundarraj, disagreed with these allegations. He claimed that Maoists often pressure locals to fabricate accusations against the police following encounters. However, multiple so-called encounters in Bastar have been proven fake in the past, and in most cases, justice has evaded victims. Even if they are eliminated from Bastar, Maoism is an ideology that cannot be defeated through violence alone by Former DGP Vishwaranjan Out of thousands of so-called encounters in Bastar in the last 25 years, only two have faced judicial inquiry. On June 28, 2012, 17 Adivasis, including six minors, were killed in Sarkeguda village in Bijapur district. On May 17, 2013, four minors were among eight Adivasis killed in Edasmeta village in the same district. The inquiries led by High Court judges found all victims to be innocent. The reports were released in 2022 during the previous Congress rule, though no police cases have been registered against any personnel to date. Even peaceful protests against mining projects and the militarisation of the region have been met with harsh crackdowns. The Moolvasi Bachao Manch (MBM), led by Adivasis, was banned last year for 'opposing development' and 'resisting security forces'. Dozens of Adivasi youth associated with MBM have been arrested since 2021. Why is the recruitment of former Maoists in government forces criticised? The recruitment of Adivasis, many of them former Maoists, in recent years by the authorities seems to have turned the tide in favour of the government. The then-BJP state government started to incorporate Adivasis, particularly former Maoists, in the District Reserve Guard (DRG) force in 2008 with the aim of using them in anti-Maoist operations. The idea: Former Maoists are better at navigating dense jungle terrain and know about Maoist hideouts. But past records have raised concerns. Adivasis enlisted as Special Police Officers (SPOs), as they were called, have been accused of rights violations. In 2005, the state government ruled by the Congress government launched a campaign against Maoists called Salwa Judum (meaning 'peace march' in the local Gondi language). Salwa Judum members were armed and were later designated as SPOs and paid 1,500 rupees/month ($17/month). On one hand, the government itself had proposed dialogue with the Maoists. But now, that same government has turned Bastar into a warzone by Soni Sori, Adivasi activist But Salwa Judum members faced accusations of rape, arson, torture and murder. In 2011, the Supreme Court declared Salwa Judum illegal and slammed the state for arming civilians. Subsequently, many SPOs were absorbed into the DRG. DRG personnel have also been accused of rights abuses, but such cases have rarely been investigated. Campaigners have also questioned the policy of using surrendered Maoists in combat instead of rehabilitating them. 'The manner in which SPOs were incorporated into the DRG is disturbing. It shows how tribal youth involved in violence were again handed guns under the pretext of rehabilitation,' lawyer and human rights activist Priyanka Shukla told Al Jazeera. Former Member of Parliament Arvind Netam believes Bastar is 'in a state of civil war'. In a situation like this, he says, it's the tribals who suffer the most. 'Whether it's the Maoists or the DRG, the one who kills is tribal and the one who dies is also tribal,' Netam, a tribal leader, told Al Jazeera. Campaigners have argued that Chhattisgarh's new rehabilitation policy, which promises bounties and cash rewards, incentivises people to turn on each other for money, often with allegations that may be legally untenable. Why has the government resisted calls for a ceasefire? Interestingly, while the government has intensified its offensive, it has also continued to offer peace talks to Maoists. 'We still reiterate, Maoists should come forward for dialogue after laying down their arms. Our doors for talks within the framework of the Indian Constitution are always open,' Chhattisgarh's Home Minister Vijay Sharma told local media last week. The Maoists, however, insist on a ceasefire and withdrawal of paramilitary forces as conditions for talks. They argue that peace talks and military operations cannot run simultaneously. In a statement, CPI (Maoist) spokesperson Abhay said, 'The right to life guaranteed by the Indian Constitution is being crushed by the government itself … On one hand, our party is trying to initiate unconditional dialogue, and on the other hand, ongoing killings of Maoists and tribals render the peace process meaningless.' Activists have raised concerns regarding the plight of Adivasi communities. Soni Sori, an Adivasi social activist from Bastar, believes the government must take the initiative for peace talks. 'On one hand, the government itself had proposed dialogue with the Maoists. But now, that same government has turned Bastar into a warzone,' Sori told Al Jazeera. 'Given the way these operations are being conducted, the government should halt them, foster an environment conducive to dialogue, and take meaningful steps toward initiating peace talks.' Human rights activists, academics and students have been targeted after being dubbed Naxal sympathisers. A 90 percent disabled professor from Delhi University, GN Saibaba was jailed for backing Maoists. Last October, he died months after being acquitted by the country's top court after a decade of incarceration. But state Chief Minister Sai says there will be no leniency in this matter. 'Naxal eradication is not just a campaign but a mission to secure Bastar and Chhattisgarh's future,' he said. Is Maoist support declining? In 2011, then-Director General of Police of Chhattisgarh Vishwaranjan estimated approximately 10,000 armed Maoists and 40,000 militia members in the Bastar region. Accurate numbers are hard to determine. The rebels were able to carry out deadly attacks against the security forces. In 2010, they killed 76 paramilitary troops in a forest ambush in Chhattisgarh. Three years later, dozens of people, including the Congress leader who founded the Salwa Judum, were killed in a rebel ambush. Current Bastar IGP Sundarraj P estimates about 1,000 armed Maoists remain, along with 15,000 affiliated individuals. Internal Maoist reports acknowledge declining recruitment, smaller units, and ammunition shortages. Of the 40 central committee and politburo members, only 18 remain free – the rest are either dead or arrested. Meanwhile, security forces have expanded, built new camps, and improved intelligence and training, while Maoists' base areas are shrinking. While our government is running an anti-Naxal campaign, we are also actively working on development projects Former DGP Vishwaranjan says Maoists are weakened in Chhattisgarh, but they have expanded into neighbouring Madhya Pradesh. 'Even if they are eliminated from Bastar, Maoism is an ideology that cannot be defeated through violence alone,' he told Al Jazeera. 'As long as we build a society on economic inequality, the ideology may resurface in a new form.' Defending his government's policies, Chief Minister Sai said that 'security and development go hand in hand.' 'While our government is running an anti-Naxal campaign, we are also actively working on development projects,' he said. Is the real fight over iron ore? Naxals have invoked the exploitation of natural resources, particularly through mining leases issued to global corporations, and the displacement of local communities, as their reasons for picking up guns in mineral-rich areas of the country. Thousands of Adivasis have been displaced and their local environments severely damaged due to mining activities. Of the 51 mineral leases in Bastar, 36 are held by private firms, including global steel major ArcelorMittal. Former MLA and tribal leader Manish Kunjam echoes a similar sentiment, arguing, 'The real issue is iron ore.' According to the Indian government, 19 percent of the country's iron ore reserves are in Chhattisgarh, mainly in Bastar. Chhattisgarh accounts for 18 percent of India's railway freight revenue, largely from mineral transport – and this is growing. Kunjam explained that when the corporations Tata and Essar began their projects in 2005 to mine iron ore, the state launched Salwa Judum, evacuating 644 villages under the pretext of Maoist fear. At least 350,000 people were displaced. However, strong tribal resistance forced the companies to withdraw. 'Learning from that failure, the government has now set up security camps in mining zones, preparing for renewed extraction,' he said. 'Without village council approval, mining cannot proceed. If tribals protest, they will be labelled as Maoists or sympathisers and dealt with accordingly.' A closer look at his claims reveals that most camps are indeed in areas where mining has begun or is about to. In Bastar's mining belt, there is one soldier for every nine tribals. Many of these camps are funded by mining companies. But Chief Minister Sai believes that the mineral resources in tribal areas should be utilised. by Sushil Anand Shukla, opposition Congress party spokesperson 'The lives of tribals will change with the beginning of mining and industrial activities,' he said. He boasted that Chhattisgarh ranks second among mineral-producing states (after Odisha), earning approximately 14.19 billion rupees ($1.71bn) last year. This year, the state has allocated 48 major mineral blocks to private companies in the state. But mass poverty and lack of basic health facilities expose the government's claims. Netam, the tribal leader, pointed out that the state has an infant mortality rate of nearly 38 per 1,000 live births, compared to the national infant mortality rate of 28 per 1,000 live births. In Bastar, he said, poverty is 80 percent. The opposition Congress spokesperson Sushil Anand Shukla claimed that under the guise of mining, preparations were under way to completely displace tribals from Bastar. 'Today, Bastar stands on the brink of war, and its answers cannot be found by looking to the past. The government must stop surrendering to corporate houses and mining companies at the cost of evicting tribals,' Sushil Anand Shukla says. 'The idea of generating revenue at the cost of tribal lives is dangerous and unconstitutional,' he told Al Jazeera.
