Latest news with #China-Pakistan
India.com
2 days ago
- Politics
- India.com
China plans another conspiracy against India, makes move to disturb power balance in Asia, Modi govt is biggest challenge due to...
China trying to form a new alternative to SAARC? faces big obstacle as India... Not just at the borders, but India is giving a hard time to China at other fronts too. China is preparing to form a new group under its leadership to replace the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). However, India has emerged as the biggest hurdle in this effort of China. Analysts say that due to its economic strength and crisis management capability, India remains important for future regional cooperation. In such a situation, it is useless to imagine any group or alliance in South Asia without India. India had distanced itself from this group due to Pakistan-sponsored terrorism and its dogmatism. Due to this, the meetings of SAARC are pending. What is China-Pakistan planning together? According to reports, discussions are in advanced stages between Islamabad and Beijing on a possible alternative to the China-led SAARC. Experts believe that China is using this as a geopolitical ploy to sideline India. Bangladeshi officials reportedly attended a meeting about the new grouping in Kunming, China on June 19, but Dhaka downplayed any political implications. Why is SAARC eclipsed? SAARC was established in 1985 by seven countries including India. Later in 2007, Afghanistan also joined this alliance. The member countries of SAARC are India, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. But, SAARC has been largely inactive since 2016. India refused to attend the SAARC meeting due to the attack by Pakistan-sponsored terrorists in 2016. Since then its meetings are pending and the rest of the members have also backed out from it. Why India's neighbors will not join China's SAARC? China's bid to expand its influence in South Asia is based on strategic, economic and security interests. Through projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing not only seeks to boost regional connectivity but also secure energy routes and counter the rise of India, analysts say. But countries such as Sri Lanka, Bhutan and Nepal may be reluctant to join any new regional body that excludes India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi invited all SAARC leaders to his first swearing-in ceremony in 2014. He also attended the SAARC summit in Kathmandu that year, where he called for a motor-vehicle agreement to enhance connectivity. When Pakistan blocked the deal, India signed a similar agreement with Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal the following year. India also pushed ahead with the South Asia Satellite Project in 2017, even after Pakistan had already backed out, which was intended to benefit all other SAARC countries.
Express Tribune
2 days ago
- Business
- Express Tribune
Victory celebration and reality check
Listen to article Pakistani luck is flying these days. It has been blessed with massive success, one after the other. First, Pakistan successfully and comprehensively defeated India in the military conflict. It was an enormous triumph, which laid the foundation for a regional reset. India, which had portrayed itself as the regional power, a rising market and economy in Asia, and a leader of the Global South, had to face a checkmate at the hands of Pakistan. Second, on the diplomatic front, Pakistan achieved many accomplishments. After the war, India sent a delegation to the world to launch a propaganda campaign. It wanted to tag Pakistan with terrorism. Pakistan analysed the situation and sent its own delegation, which outperformed the Indian delegation. The world did not buy the Indian argument, and the Pakistani point of view had wider acceptance. Pakistan maintains a balanced relationship with the world's major powers, including China, the United States, and Russia. There is no need to discuss the China-Pakistan relationship, as everyone is aware that both countries share a deep and enduring brotherhood. However, the recent shift in the Pakistan-US relationship is the talk of the town. The US played a prominent role in halting the war between India and Pakistan. After the truce, President Trump praised Pakistan for its sensible and rational behaviour. He also invited Army Chief General Asim Munir for a meeting at the White House. Both sides reportedly discussed enhancing the relationship in multiple fields. On the other hand, Pakistan and Russia intensified efforts to further enhance and strengthen their bilateral relationship. Russia has shown interest in investing more than $2 billion in reviving and expanding Pakistan Steel Mills. It is a good omen, as Pakistan was looking for opportunities to revive the mill. Also, a breakthrough happened at the SCO defence ministers' meeting, where Russia supported Pakistan's stance on terrorism. Simultaneously, Pakistan played a prominent and leading role in ending the Iran-Israel war. It diligently convinced the US administration that the war in the region had no justification. Therefore, all efforts must be made to end the war and work for peace. These examples collectively indicate that Pakistan has achieved significant success in recent months. However, the country needs to be cognizant that these achievements cannot be sustained without solving domestic challenges. Pakistan continues to face multiple challenges. The economic and governance system is in shambles. The government claims that the economy is improving and that the budget will provide a foundation for accelerated economic growth and development, as promised the previous year. But the Economic Survey 2024-25 and the budget for 2025-26 present a bleak picture. The Economic Survey shows that the national GDP grew at a 2.7% rate. However, independent sources are not willing to accept government claims and instead raise questions. They question that, during the first three quarters of FY25, the economy grew at an average annual rate of 1.7%. To achieve a yearly rate of 2.7%, the economy would have had to grow at 5.3% during the last quarter, which is not possible. Apart from that, agriculture, which had provided a significant boost to economic growth in FY24, presented a dismal picture in FY25. A booming sector experienced a sharp decline in production and market share. The growth rate fell to 0.56% in FY25 from 6.25% in FY24, driven by a steep fall in the growth of major crops. Major crops' growth rate fell to -13.26% in 2025, from 11.3% in 2024. Similarly, the large-scale industry is struggling to enter a positive growth trajectory, having demonstrated a negative growth of -1.7%. Social indicators too are pretty disturbing. The World Bank estimates that 44.7% of the population lives below the poverty line, and 16.5% of the population resides in extreme poverty. Poverty is increasing, despite the government's assertions of investing in poverty reduction such as the Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP). This raises questions about the effectiveness and sustainability of the BISP. Food insecurity is another constant irritant, and a 2013 study estimated that 58.8% of the population in Pakistan was food insecure. Unfortunately, we have to rely on old data because the government has not updated it. There are fears that food insecurity has increased over the years due to multiple factors. Poor economic conditions and the devaluation of the PKR have substantially impacted people's purchasing power, resulting in fewer resources available to afford healthy food. Additionally, inadequate governance and management of the agricultural sector have led to lower production and reduced availability of quality food. Bad governance is further complicating the situation. The elite class has designed the institutions to ensure the exclusion of common citizens from the governance system without explicitly mentioning it. The system encourages wealth accumulation, and there is no system in place for redistributing wealth or resources. It is deepening the divide between the haves and have-nots. A few influential individuals have all the resources, while millions struggle to make a decent living. Furthermore, the elite have devised an extremely complex business system and environment to strengthen their control over the economic system and resources. This system has given birth to rampant corruption and deep-rooted rent-seeking behaviour. It only works for the powerful or those who can afford to offer bribes. Environmental degradation, particularly climate change, is another issue that is worsening over time. Climate change-related disasters, such as floods and droughts, are regular visitors. Pakistan is still struggling to recover from the impacts of the 2022 floods, and there is a prediction that Pakistan will again face floods. On the other hand, climate change is severely impacting agriculture, which is threatening Pakistan's food security and economy. Farmers are bearing the brunt of climate change. Poor governance and attitude of the government have left farmers vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. In conclusion, Pakistan needs to be mindful that its heyday can be limited if it does not address these issues. The writer is a political economist and a visiting research fellow at Hebei University, China
India.com
2 days ago
- Politics
- India.com
High, Cold, And Combat-Ready: Indias New Killer Airbase At 13,700 Feet Puts China, Pakistan on Notice
photoDetails english 2934525 India recently experienced and saw one of its worst fears come true - a China-Pakistan military nexus against New Delhi. The recent military conflict with Pakistan exposed China's duality as Beijing extended all possible military help to Islamabad against India. As border tensions persist with Pakistan and China rapidly build infrastructure near the Line of Actual Control (LAC), India is responding with speed and strategy. One of the boldest moves is the development of its new airbase in eastern Ladakh — a game-changing addition to India's military preparedness at high altitudes that will give a massive edge to the Indian Air Force.
News18
5 days ago
- Politics
- News18
How Jaishankar Must Counter China-Pakistan Axis On Terror
Jaishankar's mission is to ensure that the world understands that India's concerns are not peripheral but central to any meaningful discussion on regional security S Jaishankar is in China for the SCO foreign ministers' meet—the second meeting in the SCO format in as many months. Last time out, it was defence minister Rajnath Singh, who refused to sign a joint statement on counter-terrorism, which failed to mention Pahalgam but had conveniently included the independent struggle in Balochistan—a pain point for Pakistan. The refusal brought out India's resistance—It is not going to be bullied into signing or accepting narratives. And just like Singh's refusal and Prime Minister Narendra Modi taking the fight to China under the BRICS banner in Brazil, Jaishankar would be expected to resist and carve out the agenda for India. What we have seen from the foreign minister does fill us with great promise. He has had no issues shutting down unscrupulous criticism and with great gusto. In May this year, at the Arctic Circle India Forum during an interaction with former Icelandic President OG Grímsson and the head of the ORF, Jaishankar took a swipe at European nations, saying India is looking for partners, not preachers. There are other examples as well, but we can surely move beyond them. The Precedent in Qingdao To understand the challenge that awaits Jaishankar, one must first dissect the significance of the Qingdao summit. India's refusal to sign the joint communiqué was a calculated disruption of a coordinated China-Pakistan strategic objective designed to diplomatically corner India. The draft statement was a textbook example of Chinese manipulation, meticulously engineered not to combat terrorism, but to protect its 'all-weather ally" Pakistan, while simultaneously attempting to implicate India in regional instability. In response, India did not just abstain; the defence minister delivered what amounted to a chargesheet at point-blank range. By referencing the success of Operation Sindoor on Chinese soil, he sent an unapologetic message that the epicentres of terrorism are no longer sacrosanct. It single-handedly torpedoed the joint statement, denying Beijing the diplomatic victory of a unified declaration and stripping Pakistan of the legitimacy it craved. More profoundly, it held a giant mirror up to the SCO, exposing the fundamental fracture at its core: India's zero-tolerance policy on one side, and the cynical China-Pakistan 'axis of convenience' on the other. It transformed a position of potential isolation into a projection of solitary strength and moral clarity. It established three critical takeaways: India has unambiguously asserted its red lines on terror; it has seized control of the narrative from Beijing; and it has diminished the bloc's utility as a vehicle for Chinese propaganda. China Covering Its Footprints Jaishankar's challenge is compounded by the fact that China's role transcends from diplomatic cover to complicity. An increasing body of evidence points to Beijing's active technological enablement of militancy in Kashmir. This moves the issue from the realm of political shielding to one of material complicity, a charge that India must now press with conviction. Militants in Kashmir are increasingly being found with sophisticated, military-grade Chinese hardware, including Huawei satellite phones and GPS devices, as was reportedly the case in the Pahalgam attack. The pipeline is being facilitated through porous channels within Pakistan's military-intelligence apparatus and is directly enhancing the operational capabilities of terror proxies. It creates a multilayered challenge for Indian security. The CPEC has been used to build a digital scaffold, with telecom towers operated by China Mobile's subsidiary, Zong, providing coverage across Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and deep into Indian territory. This, coupled with the use of Chinese platforms like WeChat and the Tiantong-1 satellite network, provides terrorists with secure, encrypted communication channels that are effectively immune to international legal frameworks like Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties. China's stringent data localisation laws create a technological smokescreen, deliberately preventing Indian agencies from tracing digital activity and offering operational cover for state-enabled non-state actors. Jaishankar's Mandate: Defy And Counter While the public discourse around Jaishankar's visit centres on continued normalisation and thawing of Beijing-New Delhi ties, it cannot come at a cost to India's regional and domestic security and interests. Jaishankar's core mandate, therefore, is far more adversarial. He must build on the foundation of principled defiance laid in Qingdao and translate it into sustained, strategic counter-pressure. His mission is to ensure that the world, and specifically the members of the SCO, understand that India's concerns are not peripheral, but central to any meaningful discussion on regional security. Jaishankar is positioned to expose the glaring hypocrisy of the Sino-Pakistani axis, armed with the knowledge that India had shared detailed intelligence dossiers and satellite imagery on Pakistan's terror infrastructure with SCO members, only for them to be wilfully ignored by the chair. He must forcefully ask what a 'security and defence" bloc is worth if it cannot condemn, let alone act, against the architects of terror within its own ranks. It's a simple argument but one that has the power to unravel the covers, smokescreens and whitewashing placed by Beijing and Islamabad. A platform that equates a sovereign nation's response to terrorism with the very terror it fights has lost all moral and strategic credibility. And ultimately, Jaishankar's task is to cement India's position as an independent and indispensable pole in a contested Eurasian landscape. The message must be unequivocal: India will no longer negotiate on the language of terror. It will carve its own agenda, defend its sovereign interests, and make its voice heard, with or without the consensus of forums that have been compromised by the geopolitical ambitions of a dominant power and its terror-sponsoring proxy. This is the new normal. About the Author Sohil Sinha Sohil Sinha is a Sub Editor at News18. He writes on foreign affairs, geopolitics along with domestic policy and infrastructure projects. view comments First Published: Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. 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India.com
6 days ago
- Politics
- India.com
Operation Sindoor: China sends another HQ-16 to Pakistan as Asim Munir's army trembles in India's fear, Shehbaz Sharif also plan to...
China-Pakistan relationship New Delhi: During 'Operation Sindoor', India launched a brutal attack on Pakistan, destroying its air defense network completely. The Indian Armed Forces targeted nine terror camps in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). It's been over 2 months now since India conducted Operation Sindoor, yet Pakistan continues to struggle with the aftermath. In a bid to support the bankrupt, China has once again stepped in to offer assistance. According to reports from open-source intelligence networks (OSINT), China has supplied a fresh batch of its HQ-16 medium-range surface-to-air missile systems to Pakistan. Reports suggest that China's Y-20 military transport aircraft was seen flying to Pakistan at least three times in recent weeks. These aircraft delivered consignments of the HQ-16 missile systems along with associated equipment. The Y-20 is a heavy-lift military jet capable of transporting up to 66 tons of military cargo. Why Was a New Batch of HQ-16 Needed? During Operation Sindoor, the Indian Air Force targeted key Pakistani airbases such as Noor Khan, Rahim Yar Khan, Sukkur, and Bholari. The Indian Air Force destroyed Pakistan's HQ-16 and HQ-9P air defense systems, along with China-made YLC-8E radars, using BrahMos and SCALP cruise missiles. Can the HQ-16 stop BrahMos? The HQ-16 has a strike range of around 40 kilometers and is primarily designed to intercept drones, fighter jets, and slow-moving missiles. However, the BrahMos missile, which flies at speeds of Mach 2.8 to 3.0 (nearly three times the speed of sound) and cruises at low altitudes, is extremely difficult for the HQ-16 to intercept. How significant is the new shipment to Pakistan? Currently, Pakistan's air defense capability is almost negligible. During the operation, India destroyed two out of its three surveillance aircraft. In this situation, China sending a new batch of equipment is more about boosting Pakistan's military morale — but it will not alter the strategic balance.
