Latest news with #Confucian
Korea Herald
28-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Korea Herald
Heritage Week to kick off Friday
The annual Heritage Week will kick off Friday, hosting programs engaging the public to raise awareness of Korean heritage. At over 400 locations from Seoul to Jeju Island, municipalities will showcase their cultural items or practices of exclusive historic significance, according to the Korea Heritage Service, the agency that has been organizing the free event since last year. 'It's an immersive experience open to people as young as grade schoolers,' a KHS official said. At 'Building Your Own Terrarium' program taking place in Seoul, participants will learn how to make a terrarium, a small glass enclosure for holding plants, at the hanok house and atelier of 19th-century landscape painter Yi Sang-beom. In Suwon, Gyeonggi Province, the 'Hyanggyo and Nature' program will introduce visitors to the history of state-run Confucian schools, or hyanggyo, whose establishment dates back to the Goryeo era (918–1392). The "exceptionally rich biodiversity' around hyanggyo premises will also be touched upon, according to the KHS. 'Nongak for Family' is a family-friendly program, where participants will be led to an open field to perform 'nongak,' traditional farmers' music, that served as both a rite and entertainment. 'Remembering Sunduksa' program on Jeju Island will look at how the Buddhist temple Sunduksa influenced life on the island in an immersive exhibition that will highlight heritage artifacts held at the temple. The Heritage Week runs through June 22. Some programs require reservation at
Korea Herald
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Korea Herald
On bended knees for ballots
Full-body bow, once a symbol of deference, has become a go-to tactic for courting votes during election season As the election nears, South Korea's presidential hopefuls are once again lowering themselves — literally — before voters. Kneeling down, they bow deeply, bending their entire upper bodies until their faces nearly, or even fully, touch the ground. This traditional gesture, rooted in Confucian customs, is one of the highest forms of respect and expressions of obedience in Korea — typically reserved for parents or ancestors during rituals. During election season, however, these deep bows transform into a symbolic pledge of service, as candidates appeal to the public for the chance to serve the people. 'Whether authentic or just for show, gestures of humility, like deep bowing by the political elite, still resonate with voters," says Cho Jin-man, a professor of political science and diplomacy at Duksung Women's University in Seoul. The more desperate, the deeper the bow Candidates facing more desperate odds tend to bow more frequently and deeply. This election season, Kim Moon-soo, the presidential candidate from the conservative People Power Party, seems to have more reason than other contenders to make the gesture. Often, other party officials join him in bowing, creating a kind of spectacle with people bowing en masse. Trailing behind the liberal front-runner Lee Jae-myung, the former labor minister has made the deep bow a central gesture of his campaign, repeating it across key regions, including Seoul, Gyeonggi Province and Daegu. Kim is fighting an uphill battle. A recent Hankook Research poll shows that 54 percent of voters support a change in government, following months of political turmoil triggered by President Yoon Suk Yeol's short-lived declaration of martial law late last year. Yoon, a member of the People Power Party until May 17, continues to cast a long shadow over the race. In contrast, Lee Jae-myung, who holds a lead outside the margin of error, has rarely resorted to the deep bow. One notable moment came on May 15, when he knelt in the rain during a campaign speech in Suncheon, South Jeolla Province. He bowed deeply, saying he would never forget the sight of supporters standing in the rain to listen to his speech. Professor Cho said deep bows are an effective way for politicians to shed their usual power-elite image and present themselves as more people-friendly. The same logic, he added, explains why politicians tour traditional markets every election season — staging camera-friendly scenes of themselves eating street food like tteokbokki (spicy rice cakes) or gukbap (rice in hot soup). 'Political gestures often reflect the culture behind them,' he said. 'Hierarchies based on wealth and social class persist in modern Korea. And with the growing gap between rich and poor, Koreans are more sensitive than ever to issues of class and inequality.' He added, 'Whether rich or poor, people can't help but feel a sense of privilege when someone powerful bows to them. Emotional appeals like these often resonate across social classes.' The politics of deep bows Deep bows have served Korean politicians not only as a tool to win over voters, but also as a gesture of contrition or resolve during moments of crisis — aimed at restoring trust or making a strong statement. On May 11, the People Power Party's presidential hopeful Kim Moon-soo delivered a full bow on his knees before nearly 70 lawmakers of his party. The gesture followed a dramatic internal power struggle in which the party leadership attempted to revoke his candidacy. Although Kim had won the party primary on May 3, the leadership pushed to replace him with former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo. That move was overturned when party members voted to reinstate Kim in a dramatic reversal. In his remarks, Kim apologized for the turmoil his candidacy had caused. His bow was widely seen as an effort to reconcile with party leaders and apologize to supporters and voters frustrated by the infighting. In some cases, the deep bow is performed 108 times. Originally a meditative practice in Buddhism, the 108-bow ritual has taken on political significance in Korea as a form of protest or, in some cases, a show of desperation. Traditionally, the practice is meant to express repentance for one's wrongdoings or to liberate oneself from the sources of suffering. In late March, approximately 1,000 members of the liberal Progressive Party from across the country gathered near Anguk Station, close to the Constitutional Court, performing 108 ceremonial bows to demand the swift dismissal of then-suspended President Yoon Suk Yeol over his declaration of martial law. Earlier the same month, some 20 Buddhist lawmakers from the Democratic Party of Korea gathered at Jogyesa Temple in Seoul and performed 108 bows alongside monks, praying for political stability and calling for Yoon's ouster.
Hans India
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
Reassessing the collaborative genesis of Indian Constitution
The narrative that B.R. Ambedkar single-handedly crafted India's Constitution, reinforced by his statues holding the Constitution and his title as 'chief architect,' dominates public and judicial discourse. However, historical evidence reveals a collaborative process involving B.N. Rau's foundational draft, Jawaharlal Nehru's political leadership and contributions from the Constituent Assembly's 299 members. Drawing on primary sources, including Ambedkar's 1953 Rajya Sabha speech disclaiming sole authorship and Constituent Assembly debates, this article challenges the oversimplified narrative. It examines the roles of Rau, Nehru, and others, while addressing the narrative's socio-political origins, including its potential amplification by Christian missionaries among marginalised communities, and its reinforcement through events like the 2025 Gwalior bench of Madhya Pradesh High Court statue controversy. By advocating for educational and judicial reforms, it seeks a balanced recognition of all contributors without diminishing Ambedkar's pivotal role in championing social justice. Historical context-Constitutions and the colonial legacy: Constitutions codify governance systems, often embodying a society's cultural and philosophical values. In ancient India, Dharmashastras like Manu Smriti and Yagnavalkya Smriti guided Hindu civilization. In China, Confucian texts such as the Five Classics and Four Books shaped governance until the rise of Communism. In the West, the Bible influenced legal systems until secularism prevailed, while Islamic societies rely on Sharia. These examples highlight constitutions as human creations reflecting their societies' core beliefs. After the religion-based partition, which created Islamic Pakistan (including present-day Bangladesh), many expected India to adopt a Hindu-centric framework. Instead, the English-educated elite in the Constituent Assembly chose a secular model, rejecting Dharmashastras. They drew heavily on the Government of India Act 1935, a comprehensive British law, embedding colonial continuities in India's Constitution and shaping its governance structure. Colonial continuity; cultural disconnect: The Indian Constitution, often celebrated as a post-colonial milestone, largely reworks the British-enacted Government of India Act of 1935, perpetuating colonial governance with limited engagement with India's ancient civilizational values or modern India's aspirations. The Constituent Assembly, led by English-educated elites unfamiliar with indigenous political traditions, crafted a voluminous document by blending western constitutional models into the 1935 Act's colonial framework. Symbolic gestures, such as illustrations of Hindu gods, goddesses, and historical figures in the Constitution's original manuscript, aimed to reflect Indian identity. However, these gestures, and adopting Satyameva Jayate from the Mundaka Upanishad as the national motto and the Dharmachakra on the national flag, could not bridge the Constitution's disconnect from India's socio-cultural needs. This reliance on colonial and foreign frameworks has perpetuated persistent challenges in governance and social cohesion. These challenges stem from the Constitution's continued misalignment with India's socio-cultural and governance needs. The Constituent Assembly: A contested foundation: The Constituent Assembly, formed in December 1946 by the British, was tasked with drafting India's Constitution. Its legitimacy remains contentious due to its unrepresentative composition. The Indian National Congress (INC) demanded an assembly elected through universal adult franchise but the British opted for indirect elections via provincial assemblies, representing only 15 per cent of Indians and 70 nominated members from the Princely States. Socialist member Damodar Swarup Seth on November 5, 1948 challenged the Assembly's legitimacy, arguing that its unrepresentative nature and reliance on the 1935 Act and foreign models fails to reflect India's civilizational ethos. His motion for a new assembly elected by universal franchise was defeated, but it exposed the Assembly's democratic deficits and lack of legitimacy. The Constitution's Preamble, claiming to represent 'We, the people of India,' is often criticised as misleading due to its limited representation. Justifications for the Constitution's legitimacy, such as its 75-year operation, are dismissed as flawed, like legitimising British colonial rule for its duration. Seth's critique, combined with Nehru's admission of British influence, suggests a possible quid pro quo to secure personal power, with the Constitution serving as a tool to align with British interests perpetuating colonial legacy as post-colonial triumph. Rau's foundational contribution: Benegal Narsing Rau, a Cambridge-educated civil servant and jurist, was appointed Constitutional Adviser in July 1946. His distinguished career included service in the Indian Civil Service, as a jurist, and as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. In 1945, he joined the Viceroy's Secretariat to work on constitutional reforms, leveraging his expertise in law and governance. A year later, Rau produced an outline of a New Constitution in January, followed by a comprehensive draft in October 1947, comprising 243 articles and 13 schedules. This draft, completed eleven months before the Constituent Assembly's formation, drew heavily on the Government of India Act 1935, and incorporated elements from global constitutions, including those of the United States, Canada, Australia, and Ireland. His work formed the backbone of the final Constitution, yet his contributions remain largely unrecognised in public discourse, overshadowed by political figures like Ambedkar and Nehru. Even his role as a drafter remains underacknowledged. Critics may argue that Rau, as a civil servant, should not be credited with the Constitution's creation, despite his pivotal role. This argument falters against the principle of recognizing contributions over titles. If Rau's bureaucratic status diminishes his legacy, how do we justify celebrating Mokshagundam Visvesvaraya, a government engineer lauded for nation-building contributions to infrastructure, such as dams and irrigation systems? A legacy lies in the impact of one's work, not the position held. Rau's meticulously crafted draft formed the Constitution's bedrock. To overlook his role due to his civil service designation is to prioritise form over substance, undermining the Constitution's collaborative genesis. Honouring Rau's contributions, alongside those of Nehru, Ambedkar, and others, celebrates deeds over titles. Sardar Patel's role in shaping Part III and Schedules 5 and 6: As Chairman of the Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights, Minorities, and Tribal and Excluded Areas, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel played a key role in shaping Part III (Articles 12–35) and Schedules 5 and 6 of the Indian Constitution. This committee, central to the Constituent Assembly, was responsible for framing fundamental rights for all, and governance structures for tribal communities. However, Patel's committee did not grant Hindus rights equal to those provided to minorities under Articles 25–30. It also failed to integrate tribal communities in forest areas into mainstream society, perpetuating colonial policies that isolated these groups. These decisions downgraded Hindus to second-class status and left tribal communities in Scheduled Areas vulnerable to missionary-led Christian conversions. The Ambedkar-centric narrative has eclipsed Patel's controversial role and related concerns in public discourse. Ambedkar's editorial role: On August 29, 1947, the Constituent Assembly established a 'Committee to Scrutinize Draft Constitution' chaired by B.R. Ambedkar, who was then Minister for Law and Justice. Erroneously referred to as the 'Drafting Committee' in common parlance, this body was tasked with refining Rau's draft, not drafting a new constitution. The committee included distinguished members such as Alladi Krishnaswamy Ayyar, N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar, and K.M. Munshi, whose legal and administrative expertise shaped the final document. Ambedkar's role was primarily editorial, ensuring that the draft aligned with the Assembly's decisions and reflected India's democratic aspirations. Ambedkar's prominence in Assembly debates as Law Minister, coupled with his identity as a Dalit leader and champion of social justice, drew public attention. However, in a 1953 Rajya Sabha speech, he explicitly disclaimed sole authorship, stating, 'People keep saying I am the maker of the Constitution. My answer is I was a hack. What I was asked to do, I did much against my will … I am quite prepared to burn it out. It does not suit anybody.' This candid admission, preserved in Rajya Sabha archives, reflects his frustration with the attribution and the compromises embedded in the Constitution, particularly its failure to fully address the governance problems. (The writer is a retired IPS officer and former Director of CBI. Views are personal)
Listly
19-05-2025
- General
- Listly
5 Intriguing Details About Hong Kong's Man Mo Temple: Echoes of Incense and Antiquity
The temple derives its name from the deities it honours: Man Cheong, the God of Literature, and Mo Tai (also known as Kwan Yu), the God of War. This dual dedication is unique and speaks to the Confucian ideals of civil and martial harmony. In the 19th century, when Hong Kong was under British colonial rule and Chinese education was expanding, students would flock here to seek divine favour before examinations — a practice rooted in the cultural reverence for academic and moral excellence. This pairing of gods also reflects a deeper philosophical construct in Chinese cosmology: the balance of intellect and might, culture and discipline. In a city that is itself a fusion of East and West, the temple becomes an allegorical site where belief, history, and identity intersect.
Korea Herald
17-05-2025
- General
- Korea Herald
A day of reflection in city of enlightenment
UNESCO-listed Dosanseowon, village of art stand out in Andong ANDONG, North Gyeongsang Province — Andong was a city of scholars. The southeastern city was home to those studying to further Neo-Confucianism, a school of Chinese thought that had undergirded Korea during its Joseon era from 1392-1910. Dosanseowon, a private Confucian school in the city, testifies to how committed Joseon was to see the philosophy permeate everyday life. The school was established as a tribute to Yi Hwang, a prominent Confucian thinker whose contribution to expanding the thought led Joseon to launch the institution in 1576, six years after his death. The academy complex, which grew out of a small hall Yi built in 1561 to teach Confucianism, comprises separate halls for reading, dining and sleeping. A shrine was added later by his students to pay respects to Yi. 'The entire ground is secluded and serene,' said Kim Myeong-ja, a 66-year-old Seoul resident who stopped by the Confucian academy on her tour of the two Gyeongsang provinces. Trees that surround the premise, punctuated by ponds and flowers, make for a natural setting where thinkers could do what they did best, Kim observed. Pyo Hyun-soo, born and raised in Andong, said he frequents the complex because 'each trip conjures up old memories.' 'I had a lot of school field trips that included stops here,' said Pyo, a retailer in his 40s who said he planned to take his 8-year-old with him on the next visit once the child becomes 'ready to soak in' the view and ambience. 'This is the perk of living close to a UNESCO site, isn't it?' Pyo said of the world body's 2019 decision to name Dosanseowon a World Heritage Site, a designation given to a group of eight Confucian academies around the country. Yekki Village A 10-minute drive away from Dosanseowon is Yekki Village, settled by people whose homes were flooded when the nearby Andong Dam began operations in 1976. Yekki, literally meaning 'artistic talent,' is one of many travel destinations in the Gyeongsang provinces seeing an increasing number of visitors, thanks to cultural spaces dotting the village including galleries, workshops, book cafes and walkways with a view. One of the must-see spots is Seonseongsusang-gil, a 1.2-kilometer floating bridge over Lake Andong that connects to Andong Hoban Nature Forest, a bucolic retreat in verdant woodlands. The bridge is submersible depending on water levels and swings from side to side. That's some unexpected thrill, said Min Hyun-jung, 31, who traveled from Incheon alone for a 'contemplative stroll down the deck' while taking in panoramic views of the lake. 'Other than the fact the bridge is actually a bit narrower than what I saw on Instagram, it's worth a trip. The sweeping views have done it for me,' Min said of her satisfaction with the trip that took almost three hours by car, while taking selfies. Confucian museum For others like Song Soo-jin, a native Andong with two elementary students, a village tour is only complete with a stop at the Korean Studies Institute, a think tank that runs the Confucian Culture Museum, less than a 10-minute walk away from the village. 'It's not just about the philosophy,' Song said of the museum's latest exhibition 'Eohwadongdong.' Running through July, the special exhibition explores how children are viewed and understood with artifacts spanning from 18th century Joseon to today. Books and documents on display are mostly written in Chinese characters, which means children visiting can barely decipher what is shown. But that's all the more reason kids have to see such exhibitions, under parental guidance, according to Song. 'Kids have to burn off energy to get the movement their bodies physically and desperately need,' Song said. 'After that, they need to do the same for their mental faculties. What's better than to keep them asking questions?'
