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The worth of salt
The worth of salt

New Indian Express

time16 hours ago

  • Politics
  • New Indian Express

The worth of salt

Common, unassuming, unpretentious, and yet, paramount. Nations have waged wars over it, governments have fallen, thousands have died, and many have rebelled — all over this white, grainy substance. Salt. One of the earliest seasonings discovered by humankind. Thanks to its diverse uses and preservative qualities, salt quickly became a necessity, vital to everyday life. And so, it was weaponised time and again. For Indians and Pakistanis, who will celebrate Independence Day on August 15 and 14, respectively, salt was a crucial symbol of resistance during the non-cooperation movement against British colonial rule. 'Next to air and water, salt is perhaps the greatest necessity of life,' Mahatma Gandhi once explained to a sceptical Congress Working Committee, justifying his choice of the salt tax as the first target of the Satyagraha movement. It was after the Battle of Plassey that the British acquired their first tract of land producing salt. Soon, the East India Company moved to monopolise its production. By 1882, the India Salt Act was enacted, granting the British government exclusive rights over the collection and manufacture of salt. From then on, this everyday seasoning could only be produced and distributed at official government salt depots. Then came the historic Dandi March in 1930, inspiring the common people to join hands with the Indian National Congress. It began with 78 of Gandhi's trusted followers, and over 24 days, that number swelled. By the time Gandhi broke the Salt Act on 6 April 1930, around 1,00,000 people had joined the movement. To the surprise of many, especially the British, salt had become a unifying force for a diverse population. And not just in India. Across the world, salt has long been an integral part, essential to health. So, in the week leading up to Independence Day, let's take a closer look at the story of this humble yet powerful ingredient.

Quit India Movement: Protests, prison writings, and post-war order
Quit India Movement: Protests, prison writings, and post-war order

Indian Express

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Indian Express

Quit India Movement: Protests, prison writings, and post-war order

The Quit India Movement officially began on August 8, 1942. A few weeks earlier, on 14 July 1942, the Congress Working Committee had passed the Quit India Resolution, demanding a complete end to British rule. The slogan 'Quit India' was coined by Yusuf Meherally, a socialist leader, who was then the mayor of Bombay. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who served as the youngest President of the Indian National Congress and after independence became India's first Education Minister, recalls in his autobiography India Wins Freedom (1959) how the resolution generated an 'electric atmosphere in the Country'. Some months earlier, in March 1942, the British War Cabinet in London had sent a mission led by Sir Stafford Cripps to offer India the possibility of dominion status like Canada and Australia once the Second World War was over. The Cripps Mission intended to involve India more closely in the war effort and to avert political unrest at a time when the situation was uncertain for Britain and its Allies in terms of victory. The Quit India movement, led by Mahatma Gandhi, proved to be an advanced stage in India's prolonged struggle for independence. A decade earlier, another landmark campaign, the Civil Disobedience Movement, took place between 1930-34. The Quit India movement was particularly notable as it was launched at the height of the Second World War, when, as mentioned earlier, the tide had not yet turned in favour of Britain and the Allied powers. More worryingly, from early 1942, the Japanese were steadily advancing from the east and had captured British territories like Singapore, Malaya, and Burma. In March 1942, the Andaman Islands also fell to Japan and heightened the threat of their advance towards mainland India. A pressing concern in people's minds was how India should respond in the event of a Japanese invasion. This concern became especially vexed due to the uncertainty over the British military response: If the British forces were to withdraw in the face of the Japanese advance, would India then have to negotiate directly with Japan for its independence? The backdrop to the Quit India movement was thus very much shaped by the uncertain global situation that had arisen with the Second World War. Some leaders of the Indian national movement tended to sympathise more with the Allied powers, who claimed to be on the side of democracy and freedom as they fought against the Fascist Axis powers of Germany, Italy and Japan. However, there was a feeling that support for the Allied powers needed to be tied to a greater commitment on the part of the British towards granting India self-rule after the war. US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt advocated freedom for India, exerting pressure on Britain and further reiterating his 'Four Freedoms' outlined in his State of the Union Address in 1941. In India, resentment had already been building over the way the then Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, at the very outset of the war in 1939, unilaterally declared India's involvement in the war effort without consulting the national leadership. Notably, Jawaharlal Nehru presented his assessment of the political situation in The Discovery of India in the following manner: 'I wanted India to take an eager and active part in the mighty conflict, for I felt that high principles would be at stake, and out of this conflict would come great and revolutionary changes in India and the world.' The Quit India movement triggered a wave of arrests, especially of senior Congress leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who were interned at the Ahmednagar Fort Prison. Mahatma Gandhi was detained in the Agha Khan's Summer Palace in nearby Poona. During more than two years they spent in Ahmednagar Fort Prison, Nehru and Azad, who were not just leaders of the national movement but also men of quite extensive learning, began writing two of their finest works. Nehru wrote his seminal work, The Discovery of India, while Azad composed his much-loved Urdu classic, Ghubaar-e-khaatir, a collection of letters penned in the early morning hours when the Maulana would ruminate over subjects as diverse as life, literature, philosophy, and history, all over his favourite cup of Chinese Jasmine tea. Interestingly, other eminent co-prisoners and intellectuals, including J.B. Kripalani and Pattabhi Sitaramayya, also spent their time writing books. Ghubaar-e-khaatir offers an interesting account of how these leading figures of the national movement spent their time while interned at the prison. For some time, they were denied access to newspapers and remained unaware of the course of the Second World War. Nehru's The Discovery of India carries this dedication: 'To my colleagues and co-prisoners in the Ahmednagar Fort Prison Camp from 9 August 1942 to 28 March 1945.' Moreover, in response to the Quit India Movement, the Defence of India Rules of 1915 were invoked. This meant imposition of martial law, leading to many deaths and mass arrests. The Quit India Resolution, passed by the Congress Working Committee in July 1942 under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, had envisioned a non-violent revolution. However, the movement turned violent in certain parts of the country, and the British Raj used considerable force to quell it. The end of the Quit India Movement cannot be dated precisely, as local manifestations of the protest gradually tapered off towards the end of 1942 and the early months of 1943. Notably, the Quit India Movement did not immediately attain its goal of ending British rule. However, it is important to understand the movement in the context of the course taken by the Second World War that wound its way from August 1942, when the movement began, to 1944, by which time the movement subsided. By June 1944, the Allied forces had landed on Normandy Beach in France and were advancing towards Germany, indicating Allied victory. This may have prompted the British Raj to start releasing senior Congress leaders. In the final chapter of The Discovery of India, titled 'Ahmednagar Fort Again', dated August 13, 1944, Nehru observes: 'It is just over two years since we came here, two years of a dream life rooted in one spot, with the same few individuals to see, the same limited environment, the same routine from day to day'. While the Congress leadership was in jail, the Muslim League under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah continued to be active outside. In June 1945, the then Viceroy, Lord Archibald Wavell, announced his intention of holding a conference at Shimla, proposing that Indian leaders be included in the Viceroy's Executive Council to create an interim self-government, with a view to prospective self-rule. The timing reflected the changed wartime context: the war in Europe had come to an end, though Japan had not yet surrendered. However, the Simla Conference failed due to the Muslim League's insistence that it alone would nominate Muslim representatives to the Executive Council. The Quit India movement – preceded by the Cripps Mission of 1942 and some years later followed by the Simla conference of 1945 – played a crucial role in the attainment of Indian independence in August 1947. But the movement can be fully understood in the context of changes at the global level that were shaping the post-Second World War order, in which India emerged independent within the comity of nations. How did the decentralised and leaderless nature of the Quit India Movement affect both its reach and its sustainability? Why did the movement turn violent in certain areas despite Mahatma Gandhi's insistence on non-violence? How does the backdrop of changes reshaping the post-WWII order, in which India emerged independent and joined the comity of nations, provide the context to understand the Quit India Movement? How might the work such as The Discovery of India and Ghubaar-e-khaatir serve as a historical source for understanding not just the mindset of national leaders during incarceration but also the Indian national movement? Discuss the launch of the Quit India Movement. Examine the contributions of prominent female freedom fighters who played formidable roles in the movement. (Amir Ali is an Assistant Professor at the Centre for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.

What is their party position? Shashi Tharoor on snub by Kerala Congress
What is their party position? Shashi Tharoor on snub by Kerala Congress

India Today

time22-07-2025

  • Politics
  • India Today

What is their party position? Shashi Tharoor on snub by Kerala Congress

MP Shashi Tharoor said there was no basis to the charges by a section of Congress leaders over his stance on the national security issue, asserting that he was "not at all" worried about his future with the to the media outside Parliament, Tharoor attempted to play down the apparent tensions with the Congress leadership even as he took a swipe at the party's Kerala asked about Kerala Congress leader K Muraleedharan's remark that he would not be invited to any party event in the state, a visibly unfazed Tharoor gave a cryptic response. "The people who are saying this should have some basis for saying so. Who are they? What is their party position? I want to know. Then we will see. Don't ask me about the behaviour of others. I can talk about my behaviour," the four-time MP from Thiruvananthapuram asked if he was worried about the developments, Tharoor replied promptly, "Not at all".SHASHI THAROOR'S 'LOYALTY' REMARKSince the beginning of the year, Tharoor has stirred the Congress brass with his praise for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and public endorsements of the government's political spat escalated on Sunday after Muraleedharan said Tharoor, despite being a member of the Congress Working Committee (CWC), was "no longer one of us"."Till he (Tharoor) changes his stance, we will not invite him to any party programme held in Thiruvananthapuram. He is not with us, so there is no question of him boycotting an event," Muraleedharan told response came after Tharoor said at an event in Kochi that the nation always came first and parties were the means of making the country Congress MP also shared a video of his response to the "inevitable question" about his alleged rift with the party."Which is your first loyalty? To my mind, the nation comes first. Parties are a means of making the nation better," he for months now, the friction between Tharoor and the Congress became more pronounced after the Kerala MP accepted the Centre's invitation to lead an all-party delegation to garner support for Operation later, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge publicly chided Tharoor without naming him, saying, "For the Congress, it is country first, but for some people, it is Modi first."- EndsMust Watch

Who are they, what is their party position: Tharoor hits back at K. Muraleedharan
Who are they, what is their party position: Tharoor hits back at K. Muraleedharan

The Hindu

time22-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hindu

Who are they, what is their party position: Tharoor hits back at K. Muraleedharan

Days after Kerala Congress leader K Muraleedharan's scathing criticism of him, party MP Shashi Tharoor on Tuesday (July 22, 2025) asked who are these people making such remarks and what party position they hold. Also Read | Murali calls Tharoor's Modi praise 'quite disgusting' in first open attack from Kerala Mr. Muraleedharan on Sunday hit out at Mr. Tharoor again, saying that he will not be invited to any party programme in the state capital till he changes his stance on the national security issue. Mr. Muraleedharan said Mr. Tharoor, also a Congress Working Committee (CWC) member, was no longer considered "one of us". Also Read | BJP questions Congress over not nominating Tharoor for delegation on Operation Sindoor Asked about the remarks, Mr. Tharoor told reporters, "First of all, it seems to me that the people saying this also have to have a basis for saying this. Who are they? What is their party's position? I would like to know." Speaking with reporters, Mr. Muraleedharan had said, "Till he (Tharoor) changes his stance, we will not invite him to any party programme held in Thiruvananthapuram. He is not with us, so there is no question of him boycotting an event." His response had come a day after Mr. Tharoor had said that the nation comes first and parties are the means of making the country better. The Congress MP had also said that a lot of people have been very critical of him because of his stand supporting the armed forces and the central government in connection with what happened recently in the country and its borders. "But I will stand my ground, because I believe this is the right thing for the country," Mr. Tharoor had said at an event in Kochi on Saturday. Mr. Tharoor had also said that when people like him call for cooperating with other parties in the interests of national security, their own parties feel that it's disloyal to them, and that becomes a big problem. Mr. Muraleedharan had earlier hit out at Mr. Tharoor over the sharing of a survey suggesting he is UDF's most preferred choice for Chief Minister, saying "he should first decide which party he belongs to".

Congress Rift Widens As Party Leader Says ‘Shashi Tharoor Not With Us, Not Invited'
Congress Rift Widens As Party Leader Says ‘Shashi Tharoor Not With Us, Not Invited'

India.com

time21-07-2025

  • Politics
  • India.com

Congress Rift Widens As Party Leader Says ‘Shashi Tharoor Not With Us, Not Invited'

Amid rising tensions within the Congress party, senior leader and former Union Minister K. Muraleedharan on Sunday declared that Shashi Tharoor would no longer be invited to any party programme in Thiruvananthapuram unless he alters his stance on key national security issues. His remarks have further exposed the widening rift between Tharoor and the party's Kerala leadership. Speaking to reporters, Muraleedharan said, 'Till he (Tharoor) changes his stance, we will not invite him to any party programme held in Thiruvananthapuram. He is not with us, so there is no question of him boycotting an event.' The Congress Working Committee (CWC) member was, according to Muraleedharan, 'no longer considered one of us.' The senior leader's statement comes at a critical juncture, with the Congress and the INDIA bloc preparing to confront the Modi government in the upcoming Monsoon Session of Parliament. They are expected to highlight what they term a 'security lapse' in the Pahalgam terror attacks and question the outcomes of the government's high-profile Operation Sindoor. Tharoor, who had led an all-party delegation to the Americas as part of Operation Sindoor, had earlier said at a public event in Kochi that national interest must come before partisan politics. 'We must always put the country first. Political parties exist to make countries better,' he said. Tharoor's position — including expressions of support for the armed forces and the central government on national security — has drawn sharp criticism from within his own party. 'Many have attacked me for putting the nation first. But I will stand my ground because I believe this is the right thing to do for the country,' Tharoor asserted, defending his stand. However, his remarks have not gone down well with senior Congress leaders, including Muraleedharan, who recently criticised Tharoor for sharing a survey that projected him as the most preferred Chief Ministerial face of the UDF. 'He should first decide which party he belongs to,' Muraleedharan retorted. Adding to the tensions, Tharoor's recent article criticising the late Indira Gandhi's handling of the Emergency in a Malayalam daily had also sparked backlash within party ranks. Calling for clarity, Muraleedharan said, 'If he feels constrained within the Congress, he should choose a clear political path.' The feud has now become a full-blown internal crisis, raising questions about Tharoor's future in the party and further complicating Congress's unity efforts in Kerala ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.

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