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Watch live: Warnock, Durbin reintroduce voting rights bill named for John Lewis
Watch live: Warnock, Durbin reintroduce voting rights bill named for John Lewis

The Hill

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • The Hill

Watch live: Warnock, Durbin reintroduce voting rights bill named for John Lewis

Democratic Sens. Raphael Warnock (Ga.) and Dick Durbin (Ill.) are set to reintroduce the Senate version of the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act of 2025, which would replace the 1965 Voting Rights Act. The duo introduced a similar bill last year seeking to 'strengthen our democracy by reestablishing preclearance for jurisdictions with a pattern of voting rights violations, protecting minority communities subject to discriminatory voting practices, and defending election workers from threats and intimidation,' according to a press release. Rep. Terri Sewell (D-Ala.) unveiled the House bill earlier this year. The legislation is named after the prominent civil rights activist and late Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.), who died in 2020 at the age of 80. Their remarks are scheduled to begin at 12 p.m. EDT. Watch the live video above.

Federal Funds for Local Obedience: Immigration Clause Puts Dems in Bind
Federal Funds for Local Obedience: Immigration Clause Puts Dems in Bind

Yahoo

time6 days ago

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Federal Funds for Local Obedience: Immigration Clause Puts Dems in Bind

A little-noticed provision in the "Big Beautiful Bill" forces blue states and cities to make a tough choice: Comply with federal immigration law or lose federal money for criminal justice aid. President Trumps signature piece of legislation allocated $3.3 billion to the DOJ, some of which will go toward the Byrne-JAG Grant Program, a federal initiative created in 2005 which provides support for local law enforcement and criminal justice efforts. To access the new funds, which supplement the $499 million already appropriated for the Byrne-JAG program in 2025, localities must comply with a section of federal immigration law that forbids them from restricting communication between their law enforcement entities and the Department of Homeland Security regarding an individuals immigration status. This provides an incentive for localities to share their information with federal immigration authorities, helping the Trump administration implement its immigration enforcement agenda, but it also runs the risk of misallocating federal support. This condition poses a dilemma for Democrats: Do they accept the demands of the Trump administration in return for money they need to run their cities and localities? Or do they maintain their longstanding opposition to deportation and turn it down? Across the country, Democratic Party leaders are competing to be the face of opposition to the Trump administration. California Gov. Gavin Newsom has tried to position himself as one of the leaders of the opposition to President Trump. New York City Democratic mayoral nominee Zohran Mamdani has called himself "Donald Trumps worst nightmare" and has stated that "I will not be working with the [Trump] administration on harming the people that I look to represent." But sticking with this position means their constituents wont benefit from the additional funding that other localities will be able to use to lower their local fiscal burden and make their communities safer. In effect, millions of dollars in federal justice system aid could flow to low-crime, less liberal suburbs and rural areas, while high-crime cities are left behind for defying federal immigration demands. Specifically, cities like Baltimore, Detroit, and Memphis, which lead the nation in homicide rates, could be prevented from receiving funding. In a statement to RealClearPolitics, Sen. Dick Durbin, ranking Democrat on the Senate Judiciary Committee, argued that "Putting unnecessary stipulations on this funding is harmful and unproductive." "Blocking funds for this purpose," Durbin continued, "totally misses the mark." In response, White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson argued that "If Dick Durbin is truly focused on the safety and security of American communities, he should encourage cities and states to comply with federal immigration laws. Sanctuary cities only provide sanctuary to illegal criminals, and Americans - like the CBP agent who was just shot in the face by two criminal illegal aliens - are forced to pay the price." This is not the first time Washington has used federal funds to influence local policies. In the 1980s, for example, the Reagan administration withheld highway funds to pressure states to raise their drinking ages. This policy was successful. Today, all 50 states require people to be 21 in order to purchase alcoholic beverages. This situation could be different. Many big-city law enforcement leaders have resisted becoming involved in federal immigration efforts. As former LAPD Chief Charlie Beck once stated, "We are not immigration agents. We are police officers." Similar sentiment has been echoed in other progressive-led cities where local officials argue that cooperation with ICE undermines trust between police and immigrant communities. Additionally, many local leaders may see this as an attempt to impede state and local rights by imposing a federal policy that is unpopular with their constituents. David Pitts, vice president for the Justice and Safety Division of the Urban Institute, emphasized the difficulty of this decision. "If they adhere to these immigration focused requirements, then what would they be giving up? Sometimes," Pitts continued, "the funds can be used to hire additional police officers. Oftentimes, its used to purchase access to technology. … It is likely that if [cities with higher crime] dont get that funding, the funding will go to rural areas that dont need it." Still, according to Pitt, "it remains to be seen exactly how that will play out." The debate also reveals a striking role reversal: Republicans, longtime defenders of states rights and local control, are using federal purse strings to enforce top-down immigration policy. Democrats, meanwhile, are pushing back against what they view as federal overreach. The first Trump administration also attempted to tie Byrne-JAG grants to compliance with federal immigration law in 2017. At the time, the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that such restrictions were not within the power of the executive branch (City of Chicago v. Sessions). Now, the Department of Justice has explicit congressional authorization to make the grant conditional, creating a more favorable legal landscape for the Trump administration. James Eustis is an intern at RealClearPolitics. He studies politics at Washington & Lee University.

Editorial: Cook County Democrats got it right by staying neutral
Editorial: Cook County Democrats got it right by staying neutral

Yahoo

time22-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Editorial: Cook County Democrats got it right by staying neutral

With Sen. Dick Durbin stepping aside after nearly three decades in the U.S. Senate, Democratic Party leaders in Cook County have wisely chosen not to anoint a favorite in the crowded Democratic primary. Illinois voters deserve a Democratic primary without heavy‑handed meddling. So Cook County Democrats made the right call by staying neutral. A neutral stance can prevent the kind of backroom deals that turn off voters and depress turnout. Across the country, voters are showing impatience with party insiders angling to pick winners long before ballots are cast. We're glad the Democratic powers that be decided — albeit, not unanimously — that this momentous occasion should be left to the people, despite immense pressure from Gov. JB Pritzker to back his former lieutenant governor for the seat. While we believe the governor is within his rights to endorse anyone he pleases and even to put some of his personal billions to work for that candidate, we've also said we believe Pritzker should resist the urge to put his thumb on the scale. While he'd certainly love to lock in a key ally as Durbin's inevitable successor, the people deserve a fair, competitive race. Pritzker's preferred candidate, Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton, has served as lieutenant governor since 2019 and previously served in the Illinois House, giving her statewide visibility and legislative experience. U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly, a former state legislator and statewide officeholder, has represented Illinois in Congress since 2013 and brings deep ties to the party's establishment. And U.S. Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, in Congress since 2017, is a prolific fundraiser with a strong suburban base and support from prominent Latino and downstate leaders. That's the hot state of play at present but the primary won't take place until March. We'll have plenty more to say about this race before that. And America could well be in a different place by then. Submit a letter, of no more than 400 words, to the editor here or email letters@ Solve the daily Crossword

Editorial: Cook County Democrats got it right by staying neutral
Editorial: Cook County Democrats got it right by staying neutral

Chicago Tribune

time22-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Chicago Tribune

Editorial: Cook County Democrats got it right by staying neutral

With Sen. Dick Durbin stepping aside after nearly three decades in the U.S. Senate, Democratic Party leaders in Cook County have wisely chosen not to anoint a favorite in the crowded Democratic primary. Illinois voters deserve a Democratic primary without heavy‑handed meddling. So Cook County Democrats made the right call by staying neutral. A neutral stance can prevent the kind of backroom deals that turn off voters and depress turnout. Across the country, voters are showing impatience with party insiders angling to pick winners long before ballots are cast. We're glad the Democratic powers that be decided — albeit, not unanimously — that this momentous occasion should be left to the people, despite immense pressure from Gov. JB Pritzker to back his former lieutenant governor for the seat. While we believe the governor is within his rights to endorse anyone he pleases and even to put some of his personal billions to work for that candidate, we've also said we believe Pritzker should resist the urge to put his thumb on the scale. While he'd certainly love to lock in a key ally as Durbin's inevitable successor, the people deserve a fair, competitive race. Pritzker's preferred candidate, Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton, has served as lieutenant governor since 2019 and previously served in the Illinois House, giving her statewide visibility and legislative experience. U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly, a former state legislator and statewide officeholder, has represented Illinois in Congress since 2013 and brings deep ties to the party's establishment. And U.S. Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, in Congress since 2017, is a prolific fundraiser with a strong suburban base and support from prominent Latino and downstate leaders. That's the hot state of play at present but the primary won't take place until March. We'll have plenty more to say about this race before that. And America could well be in a different place by then.

How Schumer is preparing for the fall funding showdown
How Schumer is preparing for the fall funding showdown

Politico

time22-07-2025

  • Business
  • Politico

How Schumer is preparing for the fall funding showdown

There has been no agreement among Democrats, however, about what formal demands they will make of Senate Republicans, who need Democratic votes to reach a 60-vote threshold to advance a government funding bill. And, said the two people with knowledge of the conversations, it's too soon to say which idea will end up as the lead contender. Senate Democrats will face their first government funding decision Tuesday, with Republicans teeing up the first procedural vote on a package of government funding bills that have passed the Senate Appropriations Committee largely on a bipartisan basis. Democrats appear to be leaning toward at least helping start debate on the package. But Schumer told his No. 2, Dick Durbin, that he wants to have a full caucus discussion Tuesday about how to handle that first tranche of funding measures before announcing a strategy, the Illinois Democrat said in an interview Monday. Publicly, Schumer is trying to keep the pressure on Republicans, accusing Senate Majority Leader John Thune of 'talking a bit out of both sides of his mouth' on government funding by talking up the importance of the normal appropriations process while also greenlighting efforts by the administration to clawback funding previously blessed by Congress. 'If Leader Thune wants to talk about bipartisanship, he should focus on keeping his side of the street clean first,' Schumer said. He warned in a letter to his caucus earlier this month that Republicans shouldn't bank on having help from Democrats on government funding if they pursue go-it-alone funding strategies like the rescissions package. But Schumer has also declined multiple times to discuss what the outcome would be for such actions, telling reporters late last week to ask Republicans if they were willing to stand up to White House budget director Russ Vought. Across the Capitol, Jeffries is drawing his own line on government funding, saying Monday at a press conference, 'it's my expectation that if Republicans try to jam a highly partisan spending bill down the throats of the American people here in the house, we will reject it.' But while the two New Yorkers face a similar dilemma, Schumer also faces a tougher task: House Republicans don't need Democratic votes to pass legislation if they can achieve near-unity — a rare occurrence for the fractious conference but, as they have proven, not impossible. Schumer's caucus, in contrast, plays a more decisive role given the need for 60 votes for the Senate to advance a funding bill to avoid a shutdown. 'Here's the reality: we have to have a budget. We've got 47 votes, they've got 53,' said Sen. Peter Welch (D-Vt.), in an interview. 'How we deal with that, when we've got 47-53, remains to be seen.' Katherine Tully-McManus, Jennifer Scholtes and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.

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