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Boston Globe
4 days ago
- Politics
- Boston Globe
Blazes in Northern Ireland recall an old message: You are not welcome here
Advertisement But the violence shares a common message: You are not welcome here. If you won't leave, we may make you. 'Territorialism in Northern Ireland is still embedded — and not only embedded, it's being patrolled by armed groups,' said Duncan Morrow, a politics professor at Ulster University in Belfast. 'Northern Ireland as a society escalates extremely rapidly, because so much of this is already in the whole way society's organized.' The town of Ballymena, about 30 miles from Belfast, is sometimes called the 'buckle' of Northern Ireland's Protestant Bible Belt. The most recent violence erupted there after two 14-year-old boys were charged with the attempted oral rape of a local girl on June 7. The two boys, who the BBC reported spoke in court through a Romanian translator, denied the charges. Advertisement The night after the boys appeared in court, a peaceful vigil for the girl in Ballymena spiraled into a riot, targeted at members of the Roma community in the Clonavon Terrace area. For six consecutive nights, more violence broke out across the region. Rioters in Ballymena burned several homes, many of them belonging to immigrant families. Masked gangs in Larne, about 20 miles east, set fire to a leisure center that had been temporarily used as a shelter for those who had been displaced. And angry mobs bore down on immigrant housing in Portadown in County Armagh, where landlords urged residents to temporarily relocate until the threat had quieted. Since then, 21 families have been placed in temporary housing for shelter and safety as a result of the attacks, according to the Northern Ireland Housing Executive. A vast majority of those who live in Northern Ireland do not endorse violence. Still, last month's harrowing scenes were a reminder that the area's embers of riot and tribalism are still flammable. Not far from the facades of charred homes in Ballymena is the former site of a Catholic primary school, which was set alight in a 2005 attack that police described as sectarian. Nearby, Our Lady of Harryville Catholic Church, since demolished, was a lightning rod for arson attacks both before and after the Good Friday Agreement, the 1998 peace deal that largely ended the Troubles. In recent years, a relatively modest trickle of immigrants has become the subject of hostility both in the Irish Republic and in Northern Ireland, which remains the least diverse area of the United Kingdom by a significant margin. On an island that was defined for centuries by outward emigration, the demographic shift has been highly visible, especially in poorer, working-class communities where many immigrant families land. Advertisement 'The geography of it is, if you like, a little bit more like 1969 when you had odd Catholics living on the streets,' said Dominic Bryan, a professor at Queen's University in Belfast who studies conflict. In August 1969, Loyalist mobs attacked and burned Catholic homes in Belfast and Derry, forcing thousands of families to flee. Today, Bryan said, immigrant families are obvious minority targets on the otherwise largely homogeneous streets of the North. 'They've become very exposed,' he said. Further agitating the scene are various criminal and paramilitary elements on its periphery. Ballymena remains a locus for dissident, Loyalist paramilitaries, some of whom have regrouped as criminal syndicates. Court cases indicate the town is also believed by police to have been used as a base for a Romanian organized crime gang, which traffics in drugs and prostitution. Police have long accused Loyalist paramilitary groups of fomenting unrest. Last summer, officials in Northern Ireland and the Republic blamed those actors for facilitating widespread anti-immigrant violence in Dublin, as well as in Belfast and other parts of Northern Ireland. Officials have not pinned the arson attacks in June on Loyalist gangs, but they said they were probing possible connections. Experts say much of the recent disorder was organized online, where some Loyalist factions have adopted far-right, anti-immigrant language in recent years. Last Thursday, overlapping ideologies were visible in the effigy of the migrant boat set on fire on top of a celebratory bonfire for the Twelfth of July, an annual Unionist commemoration of a Protestant king's military victory over a Catholic king. Banners on the bonfire read 'Stop the boats' and 'Veterans before refugees.' Advertisement This kind of nativist sentiment has historically found fertile ground in Ballymena, the land of Ian Paisley, the firebrand Protestant preacher who shaped the hard-line politics of contemporary Unionism, the movement to remain part of the United Kingdom. As paramilitary groups have retreated into more entrenched, isolated corners, they have maintained a cultural and social hold, particularly on disenfranchised youth. To walk the streets last month around Clonavon Terrace in Ballymena — an interface between what were the traditionally Protestant and Catholic areas of the town — was to rewind Northern Ireland's clock. Union Jacks and red-and-white Ulster flags were ubiquitous, plastered against doors, flying out of windows or draped as garden ornaments. When a photographer and I stopped outside a home, draped in British and Ulster memorabilia, a young man stuck his head out of a window, demanding to know who we were, what we were doing and why. Farther down the block, I glanced back and saw that the man had stepped outside into his garden and was silently watching us until we turned the corner. This article originally appeared in
TimesLIVE
20-06-2025
- Politics
- TimesLIVE
Legacy of past hangs over anti-immigrant violence in Northern Ireland
At the outset of the "Troubles", some Catholics and Protestants were violently forced from their homes in areas where they were in the minority, and sectarian attacks remained common through three decades of violence and the imperfect peace that followed. "Sectarianism and racism have never been very different from each other," said Dominic Bryan, a professor at Queens University Belfast who researches group identity and political violence. "It doesn't totally surprise me that as society changes and Northern Ireland has become a very different society than it was 30 years ago, that some of this 'out grouping' shifts," Bryan said, adding such prejudices could also be seen among Irish nationalists. Immigration has historically been low in Northern Ireland, where the years of conflict bred an insular society unused to assimilating outsiders. There are other factors at play too, said Bryan. The towns involved all have big economic problems, sub-standard housing and rely on healthcare and industries such as meat packing and manufacturing that need an increasing migrant workforce. "The people around here, they're literally at a boiling point," said Ballymena resident Neil Brammeld. The town's diverse culture was welcomed and everybody got along, he said, but for problems with "a select few". "The people have been complaining for months and months leading up to this and the police are nowhere to be seen." While around 6% of people in the province were born abroad, with those belonging to ethnic minority groups about half that, the foreign-born population in Ballymena is much higher, in line with the UK average of 16%. Northern Ireland does not have specific hate crime legislation, though some race-related incidents can be prosecuted as part of wider laws. Justice minister Naomi Long pledged last year to boost the existing provisions but said the power-sharing government would not have enough time to introduce a standalone hate crime bill before the next election in 2027. While five successive nights of violence mostly came to an end on Saturday, the effects continue to be felt. "I'm determined I'm not going to be chased away from my home," said Ivanka Antova, an organiser of an anti-racism rally in Belfast on Saturday, who moved to Belfast from Bulgaria 15 years ago. "Racism will not win."
