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Time of India
15 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Tejashwi demands special assembly session to raise quota limit
Patna: Leader of opposition in the state assembly, Tejashwi Prasad Yadav, on Thursday wrote a letter to CM Nitish Kumar, demanding convention of a special session of the assembly to raise the quota limit for deprived sections to 85% before being sent to the Centre to be included in the ninth schedule of the Constitution. The RJD leader also called for an "all-party committee" for drafting the new legislation. In his two-page letter, Tejashwi reminded the CM about how the previous Grand Alliance govt raised the quota for the backward class to 75% based on a caste survey conducted by the govt in 2023. "However, this law was set aside by the Patna high court, which stated that the reservation limit was increased without studying the adequate representation of these castes in state govt jobs and admissions in educational institutions. But on similar grounds, Tamil Nadu has been providing 69% reservation to its people for the past 35 years," Tejashwi said in the letter. He said that given this situation, a special session of the state assembly should be convened to raise the quota limit, and once it is passed, it should be sent to the Centre to be placed in the ninth schedule of the Constitution. "If you do not take action, it will be construed that you and your govt are deliberately delaying the matter," Tejashwi said. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Giao dịch vàng CFDs với mức chênh lệch giá thấp nhất IC Markets Đăng ký Undo He also threatened to launch an agitation across the state over the issue. Earlier, he reacted sharply to the Centre's announcement to complete the caste census by 2027 and questioned the govt's intention. "They made this announcement keeping in view the upcoming Bihar assembly elections and our pressure," Tejashwi told reporters here on Wednesday. Tejashwi demanded that apart from the castes, the classes too be counted to reveal how many castes and how many OBCs, EBCs, and others are there.
Time of India
5 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
JD(U) praises Nitish's efforts to uplift EBCs
Patna: The JD(U) on Sunday highlighted CM 's long-standing efforts to uplift the extremely backward classes (EBCs) during his two-decade tenure. Addressing a press conference at the party office, state president of the JD(U)'s EBC cell and former MP Chandeshwar Prasad Chandravanshi said, "The CM set up the extremely backward welfare department to prioritise the issues of this group in govt agendas. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now " He added, "The formation of the Extremely Backward Commission, the initiative for reservation in the judiciary and reservation in panchayati raj institutions have provided this group with a share in power, thereby strengthening social justice at the grassroots level." Chandravanshi said the CM had consistently urged the central govt to recognise the EBC category at the national level so the group could benefit from welfare schemes across the country. He added that over Rs 786 crore in scholarship funds were directly transferred to the accounts of more than 50 lakh OBC and EBC students. "In 2023-24 alone, more than 3 lakh students benefited under the CM Atipicchda Varg Medhavi Yojana," he said. Convener of cells Navin Arya Chandravanshi and party spokesperson Arvind Nishad also addressed the mediapersons.
India Today
20-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Why Tejashwi Yadav is laying the caste net wider
(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated May 26, 2025)It was a sweltering Saturday in Patna on May 3, but the heat wasn't just from the rising mercury in the summer. At the Miller High School Ground in the centre of the city, Tejashwi Yadav was whipping up some serious passion of his own. The Rashtriya Janata Dal leader was addressing a rally—the 'Ati-Pichhda Jagao, Tejashwi Sarkar Banao (Wake Up the EBCs, Elect a Tejashwi government)' rally organised by his party's EBC (Extremely Backward Classes) cell. 'No EBC community has prospered, while Nitish has flourished,' Tejashwi thundered, mounting a salvo against his once grand ally—Janata Dal (United) supremo and Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar. He promised them jobs and safety; freedom from crimes and criminals too. 'Jo apraadh karega, gareebon ka shoshan karega, apamanit karega, usko main jail bhijwaunga (Whoever commits a crime, exploits or insults the poor, I will send them to jail),' he vowed, positioning himself in just that single sentence as a bulwark against injustice as well as four days earlier, on April 29, Tejashwi had been addressing an altogether different assembly—of the economically forward Vaishya or trader community. The occasion was Bhama Shah Jayanti, and the state RJD office had organised a function to honour the 16th-century merchant hero. 'Your enterprise has driven Bihar's growth,' he told them, 'yet the current regime never recognised your contributions.' It was a pivot for a party that has seldom shown any affection for the merchant community. Tejashwi reminded the gathering how, during his brief tenure as deputy chief minister between August 2022 and January 2024, he had brought in 'Rs 50,000 crore in fresh investment' and delivered 'half a million jobs'. The ground laid thus, Tejashwi got down to business. 'If you walk one step with me, I will walk four with you.' The audience expressed its approval, with a giant burst of two speeches, delivered in quick succession, are of a piece with a strategy forged out of hard electoral arithmetic. In the 2020 Bihar assembly election, the mahagathbandhan, or the grand alliance, a coalition of the RJD, Congress and the Left parties, had won 110 seats in the 243-member House. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA), comprising chiefly of the BJP and the JD(U), eked out a victory with 125 seats, despite a vote share that was just 0.03 percentage points higher than that of the rival formation. While the actual difference in votes was just 11,150, the real margin, as it turned out, lay in the unaligned and disaffected segments that neither bloc fully commanded. And it is into this untapped reservoir that Tejashwi is now casting his HIS EBC RIGHTThe EBCs are 113 marginalised castes that constitute more than 36 per cent of Bihar's population, according to the latest caste-based survey. Given their fragmented nature, they have never had the social clout of dominant OBC castes like the Yadavs—who account for 14 per cent of the state's population—yet exercise outsize influence at the hustings thanks to their numbers. They have been an inalienable part of Nitish's support base, ever since the nine-time chief minister granted them 20 per cent reservations in panchayat bodies back in 2006. Tejashwi is now trying to chip away at that support base, and attempting to forge a bond with voters who almost never pick the RJD as first choice in Bihar's political power play. His current efforts may not consolidate every EBC vote, but they could be enough to tilt the This will not be the first time that Tejashwi has tried to broaden his outreach, but while the efforts have resulted in impressive tallies, they have failed to crystallise into decisive victories. In 2020, the RJD had emerged as the single largest party, securing 75 seats and a 23.1 per cent vote share, thanks largely to a job-centric campaign that delivered nearly 39 per cent of the vote in the 144 constituencies the party had contested. Yet, it was not enough in the absence of fresh constituencies to compensate for incremental losses among the EBCs, Dalits and women, and the RJD-led Grand Alliance fell short of forming the government by a mere 12 seats. In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, the RJD amassed 9.6 million votes—the highest for any party in Bihar—yet they translated into just four parliamentary seats. The NDA, on the other hand, maintained a lead in 176 of the state's 243 assembly the assembly polls now due in six months, Tejashwi is determined not merely to reprise the campaign themes of 2020, but also to extend his party's outreach well beyond the customary 'M-Y' coalition of Muslims (17 per cent of the population) and Yadavs. Together, the M-Y are a formidable bloc, but still insufficient if the NDA succeeds in peeling away chunks of the remaining voters. Hence the new, amplified refrain: shared welfare, enhanced security and unflinching FOR EVERYBODYFor the EBCs, Tejashwi is holding out the lure of targeted employment schemes, local infrastructure projects and community-led policing initiatives to safeguard women. To Dalits, he is offering land title regularisation and scholarships; to urban entrepreneurs, simplified licensing and relief from punitive 'GST raids'. Women's collectives are being promised not just security and empowerment but also a monthly social security stipend of Rs 2,500. Of course, Tejashwi's polyphonic appeal could well boomerang. By courting these new constituents, he risks alienating his loyal supporters. His core M-Y vote bank could resent overtures to erstwhile rivals; the NDA is already portraying him as a political opportunist. And while onerous compliances and sporadic enforcement crackdowns may have bred discontent among Bihar's traders, they may hold back, driven by scepticism after years of U-turns by regional Yet, the momentum is clearly shifting. Bihar's caste survey has reignited the public debate on representation. Promises to field more backward class candidates than ever in 2025 have sparked enthusiasm in communities long accustomed to tokenism. There is also the generational shift, something the 35-year-old Tejashwi brings up regularly against the 73-year-old Nitish. In speech after speech, he refers to the incumbent as 'tiredretired, even'.Tejashwi's youthful brio also comes with a strategic nod to dynasty and his father Lalu Prasad's contributions. The RJD patriarch remains the patron saint of Bihar's social justice politics, but his rule is also identified as a 'jangal raj' that deprived the state of growth opportunities. Aware of the contradiction, Tejashwi takes pains to paint Lalu's legacy as one of empowerment, not of chaos, and himself as someone who can carry it forward while marrying it with 21st century WILL IT WORK?In a state where electoral fortunes have swung on margins as slim as a few thousand votes, even modest gains among EBCs, traders or women could prove decisive. But Tejashwi's strategy demands near-flawless execution. For that, he'll first have to get the allies in line. Tejashwi's big challenge will be to persuade the Congress to cap its ticket count at around 50 seats. In 2020, the party fought in 70 seats but managed only 19 wins (even the CPI-ML had a better strike rate—12 wins in 19 seats contested). The RJD chief also has to accommodate two new parties: Mukesh Sahani's Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP), which won four of the 13 seats it contested as an NDA ally in 2020, and Pashupati Paras's faction of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP).Meanwhile, there are fresh ripples from another quarter—Prashant Kishor's newly formed Jan Suraj party. Riding a wave of disaffection with traditional party hierarchies, Kishor's party promises clean governance, community-driven development and a break from entrenched dynastic politics. Partymen claim it will get 5-7 per cent of the Muslim vote in key districts, depriving the RJD—which considers Muslim voters as part of its natural constituency—of the very margins it needs to convert popular support into legislative strength. This election, Tejashwi will have his hands full, as he must reckon with the old NDA and the new to India Today MagazineMust Watch
India Today
19-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
How Rahul Gandhi is stirring the poll pot in Bihar
On May 15, the afternoon air at the Ambedkar Kalyan Hostel courtyard in Bihar's Darbhanga was cloying with muggy air, the humidity hanging like a damp sheet. Even the two security officers, in their sky-blue safari suits, could not escape beads of sweat racing down their temples, their eyes darting over the perimeter with taut when Congress leader Rahul Gandhi—dressed simply in an unwrinkled white T?shirt—ascended the makeshift dais, he appeared impervious to the stifling heat or the administration's refusal to grant permission for the gathering. Greeting the assembled students with a warm, unhurried smile, he declared: 'Do you know why they couldn't stop me? Because I carry the strength of your support.'advertisementRahul's address then swept effortlessly through a litany of demands: a comprehensive caste census in the country; reservation extended to private educational institutions and corporate employers; the dismantling of entrenched obstacles inhibiting social mobility and so on. In Hindi, his promise resonated like a clarion call: 'Main aapko guarantee deta hoon, jaise hi Hindustan mein hamari sarkar aayegi, jaise hi Bihar mein hamari sarkar aayegi, hum ye sab badal denge aur aapke liye jo sahi hai, woh karke dikha denge (I guarantee that the moment we install our government in India and Bihar, we will usher in change and execute what is in people's welfare).'An enthusiastic applause rippled through the crowd, the echo momentarily outshouting even the relentless heat. This was Rahul's fourth visit to assembly poll-bound Bihar this year—a frequency unprecedented in the Congress's recent JOBSAs elections loom, the Congress is making a concerted push to reclaim lost ground in Bihar. Central to its strategy is Rahul's visible involvement. His padayatra (foot marches) through districts such as Begusarai have thrust the issues of reservation quotas and youth unemployment into the early April, Rahul had joined the 'Palayan Roko, Naukri Do' march, denouncing the state's 50?per?cent cap on caste-based reservations as a 'fake wall' that must be 'demolished'. He announced at another gathering how he had even challenged Prime Minister Narendra Modi directly: 'I told him in the Lok Sabha that if the 50?per?cent reservation wall isn't removed, we will bring it down ourselves.'By framing the debate in such stark terms, Rahul had tried to tap into the deep undercurrents of caste politics in Bihar, where OBCs (Other Backward Classes), EBCs (Extremely Backward Classes), Dalits and Muslims together form a clear his speeches, Rahul has deftly interlinked jobs, youth welfare and reservation policy. Highlighting the struggles of migrant labourers and jobless graduates, he argues that expanding government employment is vital in a state where private-sector opportunities remain scant. His focus on the 18-29 age cohort—over a fifth of Bihar's electorate—underscores a determined effort to court younger NEW LEADERSHIPParallel to Rahul's public campaign, the Congress has overhauled its Bihar set-up. In mid-March, the party replaced its upper-caste state president Akhilesh Singh with Rajesh Kumar, a two-term MLA from the Ravidas Dalit community. The decision, taken at a meeting chaired by Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and attended by Rahul, signals a shift in emphasis towards Dalit representation. As a senior Bihar Congress leader confided: 'We're focusing squarely on the Dalit vote in this election.'Rajesh Kumar's elevation is both symbolic and strategic. The Ravidas community accounts for roughly 5?per?cent of Bihar's Scheduled Caste (SC) population, making him a figurehead for the Congress's renewed outreach to marginalised groups. Dozens of Congress district committees have been reconstituted to boost the representation of OBCs, EBCs and Dalits while state in-charge Krishna Allavaru has issued stern warnings against factionalism. Together, these moves aim to project a more unified, grassroots-oriented party SOCIAL-JUSTICE VOTERSThe Congress's messaging has homed in on themes of social justice and affirmative action. Rahul has demanded a nationwide caste census—a longstanding demand of ally Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)—and dismissed Bihar's 2023 survey as woefully inadequate. By championing for a comprehensive caste study, he is aligning the Congress with calls for stronger protections of quotas and greater empowerment of deprived castes. This rhetoric is designed to resonate with Dalits, OBCs and EBCs, forging a broad social THE INDIA ALLIANCEAll these organisational and rhetorical shifts occur against the backdrop of the INDIA alliance, the umbrella grouping of Opposition parties. In Bihar, where the BJP-JD(U) combine remains a formidable foe, the Congress insists on contesting only those seats where it retains genuine prospects. At a March strategy meeting, Rahul reminded legislators of their 2020 performance—19 seats won out of the 70 contested—and urged for improvement. Meanwhile, the Congress has accorded the RJD a leading role in seat-sharing, accepting Tejashwi Yadav as the head of the alliance's coordination committee, thereby ensuring that electoral arrangements are managed NEXT?For decades, the Congress was Bihar's dominant force; today, it is a marginal player overshadowed by regional heavyweights. 'We lack leaders with the stature of Nitish Kumar or Lalu Prasad,' admitted a local activist. 'The Congress must identify fresh youth talent to revive its fortunes in Bihar.'Yet strategists believe that Rahul's high-profile engagement and the elevation of leaders like Rajesh Kumar mark the first steps of a gradual regeneration. Through padayatras, a focus on jobs and quotas, and a revamped district network, the Congress seeks to demonstrate genuine concern for the state's deprived communities. Whether these initiatives can translate into tangible gains at the ballot box remains to be seen. For now, however, the party has clearly signalled its intent: to fight and not fade away in Bihar's fiercely contested political to India Today MagazineTune InMust Watch
News18
19-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
What Are Extremely Backward Classes? Why Are They Crucial In Bihar Politics? Explained
Last Updated: The creation of Extremely Backward Classes in Bihar goes back to more than 50 years ago when Kapoori Thakur was the chief minister, who was from an extremely backward community The Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) have been an important part of Bihar politics, with many political parties and leaders wooing them as they constitute 36% of the state's population. With state elections in October-November, Congress, BJP and RJD are cultivating the EBCs as votebank. Let us understand how EBCs have influenced Bihar politics, how they are classified and why parties give special attention to them during elections. What Are EBCs? Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) refer to socially and educationally disadvantaged castes that are more marginalised than the general Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The EBCs often lack access to education, political representation, economic opportunity, and basic social services. EBCs are not a separate constitutional category like SC or ST. They are typically a sub-group within the OBC (Other Backward Classes) category, created to identify the most deprived castes among OBCs. In India, the 10% reservation under the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) quota (introduced via the 103rd Constitutional Amendment in 2019) is meant for economically backward people who do not fall under SC/ST/OBC categories. EBCs may also be eligible for scholarships, housing schemes, fee waivers, and financial aid from both central and state governments. How EBC Was Introduced In Bihar The Mungeri Lal Commission identified 128 castes as 'backward" in economic, social, occupational and educational terms. These castes were then divided into two categories — 34 castes were placed under the Backward Class category, and 94 castes were listed under the Extremely Backward Class (EBC) category. When Kapoori Thakur became the CM for the second time in 1977, he announced plans to implement the Mungeri Lal Commission's recommendations in 1978. The recommendations included 8% reservation for Backward Classes, 12% for Extremely Backward Classes, 3% for women of all castes, and 3% for economically backward castes. However, the reservation based on economic criteria was later declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. In 1990s, the implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations, which provided 27% reservation for OBCs nationally, shifted focus to caste-based affirmative action. In Bihar, under Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav (1990–1997), reservations for OBCs were increased from 12% to 14%, but there was no specific mention of a purely economic EBC category at this time. The EBCs as a pure economic category gained traction in Bihar and nationally in 2000s. The Bihar government began recognising economic deprivation for non-SC/ST/OBC groups, especially after the 2006 reservation policies for economically weaker sections in educational institutions. However, specific schemes targeting EBCs (as an economic group) in Bihar were limited until later. In 2019, under the 103rd Constitutional Amendment, 10% reservation for Economically Weaker Sections was introduced across India for those not covered by SC/ST/OBC quotas. In 2023, the Bihar assembly passed a bill to increase reservation for Backward Classes, Extremely Backward Classes, SCs and STs from the existing 50% to 65%. As per the Bihar Reservation Amendment Bill, quota for Extremely Backward Class (EBC) has been increased from 18% to 25%; for Backward Class (BC) from 12% to 18%; for SC from 16% to 20%; and for ST, the quota will be doubled, from 1% to 2%. The existing 3% reservation for BC women has been scrapped. What Are The Castes Classified As EBC In Bihar? The Bihar government released the results of a caste-based survey of the state on October 2, 2023, which revealed that 36% of the state's total population belongs to the EBC category, comprising a total of 112 castes. In fact, it was RJD chief Lalu Prasad who first realised the importance of EBCs because of their cumulative numbers, much more than any individual dominant group like the Yadavs (14.27% of the population as per the caste census) and Muslims (about 17%). Among the EBCs, only four castes — Teli, Mallah, Kanu, and Dhanuk — have a population of more than 2%. Among Muslim castes, Julaha is the only one with a significant presence, constituting 3.5% of the population. Seven other castes — Nonia, Chandravanshi, Nai, Barhai, Dhuniya (Muslim), Kumhar, and Kunjra (Muslim) — each have a population of less than 2%, as per an Indian Express report. Beyond these 12, none of the remaining 100 EBC castes has even a 1% share in the total population, the added. How BJP And Congress Trying To Woo EBCs Rahul Gandhi on May 15 visited Darbhanga to attend the 'Shiksha aur Nyay Samvad' (Education and Justice Dialogue), where he addressed the backward, extremely backward, Dalit-Mahadalit, and minority communities, advocating for reservations in private institutions. Gandhi raised the caste survey issue and demanded reservations for students from the SC and ST communities in private institutions. He accused the Nitish Kumar-led government of denying funds to them under the SC-ST plan, meant to ensure the communities receive a proportionate share of development benefits. 'We want to raise three demands — conducting a caste census in the country, reservation for OBCs (Other Backward Classes), EBCs (Economically Backward Classes), SCs and STs in private institutions and ensuring funds for SCs and STs under the government's SC-ST sub plan," he said, as quoted by India Today. Meanwhile, BJP's national officer-bearers and the party's national leadership have toured the state and held meetings with its allies to complete the caste mapping, as per a report by The Economic Times. Sources said the BJP, along with its allies, reached an understanding that castes finalised from each seat allocation and candidates would be finalised later. The BJP's Bihar unit is eyeing a larger pie of seats this time. It has suggested to its central leadership that sometimes smaller allies prefer individuals over caste while selecting candidates driven by funding concerns, and therefore were demanding a caste mapping exercise. Watch India Pakistan Breaking News on CNN-News18. Get Latest Updates on Movies, Breaking News On India, World, Live Cricket Scores, And Stock Market Updates. Also Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : 2025 Bihar elections Bhiar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar Bihar Politics News18 Explains Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: May 19, 2025, 11:05 IST News explainers What Are Extremely Backward Classes? Why Are They Crucial In Bihar Politics? Explained
