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Business Standard
07-08-2025
- Politics
- Business Standard
Legacy of U-turns: Timeline of Nitish Kumar's alliance shifts over a decade
With Bihar elections due in late 2025, speculation mounts over whether the state's longest-serving chief minister, Nitish Kumar, will stay the course with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) or rewrite political equations yet again. Once hailed as a governance reformer and now equally known for his alliance U-turns, Kumar has, over three decades, shaped—and reshaped—Bihar's politics through a string of strategic shifts between the NDA, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and Lalu Prasad Yadav's RJD-led alliances. The man once hailed as 'Sushasan Babu' is now equally known for his alliance acrobatics. From 1994 to 2025, Nitish has rewritten coalition logic in Bihar—and, at times, reshaped national politics. Here's a look back at the flipbook of flips that defined his career—and what it could mean for Bihar in 2025. Why it matters Nitish Kumar's frequent alliance shifts aren't just a Bihar story—they've disrupted national opposition strategies, unsettled BJP-Congress dynamics, and altered the arithmetic of anti-BJP coalitions. In Bihar, each realignment resets governance priorities and voter trust. To some, Kumar is a master strategist navigating fractured mandates; to others, an opportunist looking to seize power at every turn. Either way, his next move could once again reshape both state and national politics. Who is Nitish Kumar? Born in 1951 in Bakhtiyarpur near Patna, Nitish Kumar entered politics during the JP Movement of the 1970s. A qualified electrical engineer, he was first elected to the Bihar Assembly in 1985 and soon rose to national prominence. By the 1990s, he was a central figure in the post-Mandal political order, aligning with George Fernandes to form the Samata Party—a precursor to today's Janata Dal (United), or JD(U). A career of realignments Nitish Kumar's first brush with power came through his association with Lalu Prasad Yadav during the JP Movement in the 1970s. Their partnership, forged in student politics, brought Yadav to power in 1990 with Kumar's backing. But in 1994, the alliance fractured. Citing concerns over Lalu's growing control of the Janata Dal, Kumar and George Fernandes formed the Samata Party, marking the beginning of Kumar's independent political journey. By 2000, Kumar aligned with the BJP, briefly becoming chief minister. Though that government lasted just seven days, it set the stage for a more stable NDA regime in 2005. The alliance won re-election in 2010, riding on Kumar's image as a governance-focused leader who had improved law and order and launched schemes for marginalised groups like Mahadalits and EBCs. The first break: 2013 In 2013, Kumar severed ties with the BJP after Narendra Modi became the head of the party's campaign committee and was declared its prime ministerial candidate. Calling for a 'Sangh-mukt Bharat,' he said the BJP's leadership no longer reflected the secular image the NDA once held. ' Mitti mein mil jaayenge, BJP ke saath wapas nahi jaayenge (We will perish but won't join forces with BJP again),' he famously declared. The JD(U) continued briefly with outside support from the Congress and CPI, but Kumar resigned as CM in 2014 following the party's Lok Sabha losses. Mahagathbandhan and its collapse In 2015, Nitish Kumar returned as CM with backing from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) party and Congress under the Mahagathbandhan banner. The alliance swept the Assembly elections, defeating the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (nda). But in July 2017, amid allegations against then Deputy CM Tejashwi Yadav, Kumar resigned and returned to the NDA. The move drew sharp criticism, with the RJD calling it a betrayal and accusing Kumar of using the corruption probe as a pretext. Tensions within the NDA The BJP-JD(U) alliance persisted through the 2020 elections, though the JD(U)'s reduced seat tally. partly attributed to Lok Janshakti Party rebel candidates, soured relations. Less than two years into his term, Nitish Kumar once again resigned in August 2022, accusing the BJP of trying to destabilise his party and government. He stitched together a fresh alliance with RJD, Congress and Left parties—returning as CM for the eighth time, with Tejashwi Yadav as deputy. His re-entry into the opposition camp was seen as a national move. He hosted the first INDIA bloc meeting in Patna in 2023. At the time, he was regarded as a potential convenor of the alliance, even fuelling quiet speculation about his prime ministerial ambitions. RJD leader Shivanand Tiwary summed up the Grand Alliance's view: 'If Nitish chooses to dump NDA, what choice do we have except to embrace him?' January 2024: Return to NDA again On January 28, 2024, Nitish Kumar joined the BJP-led NDA again, marking his third formal tie-up with the party since 2000. The immediate impact was political disarray within the INDIA alliance, of which Kumar had become a key figure. His exit followed Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress announcing its decision to go solo in West Bengal. According to Business Standard 's editorial on January 29, Kumar's return to the NDA 'may not change the fortunes of Bihar,' but it effectively 'spells the decimation' of INDIA. The editorial also highlighted internal tensions, including the Congress's failure to consult key allies before launching the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra. While critics saw Kumar's moves as driven by political expediency, supporters argue they reflect a realism about regional and caste dynamics. The BJP, for its part, responded with tactical moves—appointing deputy chief ministers from Koeri and Bhumihar communities and affirming commitment to caste inclusion. Assembly elections overview The Bihar Legislative Assembly is made up of 243 seats. In the 2020 Assembly elections, the NDA led by the BJP and JD(U), along with partners like VIP and HAM(S), secured a slim majority with 125 seats. The Mahagathbandhan (RJD–Congress–Left parties) captured 110 seats, with the RJD emerging as the single largest party at 75 seats, closely followed by the BJP at 74 seats, and the JD(U) winning 43. What next for Nitish Kumar? Despite his age and repeated suggestions of grooming Tejashwi Yadav as his successor, few are willing to write off Kumar's ability to surprise. As Bihar heads toward elections in 2025, the central question remains: Will Nitish Kumar remain with the NDA, or is another pivot still possible? Timeline: Nitish Kumar's alliance shifts 1994: Broke from Lalu Prasad Yadav's Janata Dal and founded the Samata Party with George Fernandes. 2000 (March): Became chief minister for the first time, backed by the BJP-led NDA; the government lasted just 7 days. 2003: Formation of Janata Dal (United) through a merger of the Samata Party, Lok Shakti, and a faction of Janata Dal; remained in alliance with the NDA. 2005 & 2010: Won two consecutive full terms as CM in alliance with the BJP, establishing himself as a governance-focused leader. 2013 (June): Split from the NDA after Narendra Modi was named BJP's prime ministerial candidate; distanced himself over ideological concerns and moved toward forming a new alliance. 2014 (May): Resigned after JD(U)'s poor performance in the general elections; Jitan Ram Manjhi briefly took over as CM. 2015 (February): Returned as CM after internal party dissent; later that year, the JD(U), RJD, and Congress formed the Mahagathbandhan, which won the Assembly elections. 2017 (July): Exited the Mahagathbandhan amid corruption charges against RJD leaders and rejoined the NDA; began his sixth term as CM. 2020: Re-elected as CM with NDA support, though the BJP won more seats than JD(U), altering the power balance within the alliance. 2022 (August): Broke ties with the NDA again, accusing the BJP of undermining allies; rejoined the RJD, Congress, and Left parties to form another Mahagathbandhan government—his eighth term. 2024 (January): Left the Mahagathbandhan once more and rejoined the NDA, forming a new government—his ninth term as chief minister.
Indian Express
27-07-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
BLOs' refrain: Many still not able to file one of 11 documents needed
On Sunday, the Election Commission announced that volunteers will help electors obtain the official documents required to meet the submission deadline of September 1 in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in poll-bound Bihar. They have their task cut out. The Indian Express spoke to a dozen BLOs from across the state — including from the capital Patna, Samastipur in North Bihar, Purnea in the Seemanchal region, and Banka in South Bihar. After the month-long SIR exercise, their refrain: most of those who had to submit one of the 11 documents have not been able to do so. Consider: * A BLO from the Danapur Assembly constituency said: 'Out of 1,200 voters who submitted enumeration forms in my booth, 550 were in the 2003 voters' list. Of the remaining 650 voters, only about 60 people have submitted forms with one of the 11 documents, mainly Class 10, residential and caste certificates. There has been intense pressure on us to get documents from such electors who have only submitted forms.' She said the BLOs were still accepting forms from some people. 'We are told to accept them until Monday (July 28), as the first electoral draft would be published by August 1.' Asked if they had been asked to upload one of the 11 documents against the forms during the claims-and-objection phase between August 1 and September 1, she said: 'We have heard about it, but there is no clear instruction on how to go about it and what if we do not get any documents from voters in that period.' * A Banka Assembly seat BLO said: 'My booth has about 1,300 voters. Over 500 of them are in the 2003 list. Of the remaining electors, only 50 people have submitted forms along with one of 11 documents. As my uploaded documents' percentage is very poor, I was asked to get at least 20-30% in the column on 'status of mandated 11 documents'. I am marking an exaggerated number, assuming I would be able to get the required documents at a later stage. EROs (Electoral Registration Officers) perhaps want to show a good percentage.' In the 13-column form needed to be filled up by the BLOs before the publication of the first draft of rolls, there is a break-up of details on the 2003 list voters, post-2003 voters with details on documents, numbers of deceased, permanently shifted, and repeated voters. There is also a column on 'other documents'. The Banka BLO added that his booth had uploaded over 80% of enumeration forms, as a section of migrant voters, mainly permanently shifted, had not turned up to fill up their forms, online or offline. * A BLO from the Sarairanjan Assembly seat echoed similar views. 'My area is dominated by Dalits and EBCs (Extremely Backward Classes). Of 900 voters in my booth, only 400 are in the 2003 rolls. But, only 25 persons have submitted caste or residential certificates so far. Most of them don't have documents. Some have been waiting for residential certificates. I am even spending money from my pocket for getting photocopies of the 2003 roll entries for its voters,' he said. * A BLO from Purnea's Srinagar block said: 'It is very difficult to get forms attached with one of the 11 documents. My booth has about 1,000 voters, half of which were on the 2003 list. Despite my area having a better educational status, only 100 people have submitted either Class 10 Board or residential certificates.' He added, 'I doubt whether even one extra month's time to submit the mandated documents could change things much.' * A BLO in Balrampur block of Katihar said: 'Out of 990 electors in my polling booth, about 425 were on the 2003 list. Only about 150 people submitted forms with one of 11 documents, mostly Class 10 board certificates, including from the madarsa board, family registers and passports. About 85 people, either dead or permanently shifted were deleted from the list.' * In the Araria block of Araria district, a BLO said: 'My booth had 950 voters, including 450 on the 2003 list. About 250 people submitted forms with documents such as residential certificates, passports and land papers. About 220 submitted enumeration forms with other documents. Thirty people, dead or permanently shifted, were dropped from the list.' * A BLO from Kishanganj said: 'Out of about 1,100 voters in my booth, 550 are on the 2003 voters' list. About 250 people submitted their forms with one of 11 documents including Class 10 board certificates and passports. Only 36 voters, dead or permanently shifted, were deleted from the list.' * A BLO from Tarapur in Munger said: 'Out of 770 voters, 650 filled their forms with or without documents. About 220 were on the 2003 list, and 120 more submitted forms with one of the documents needed, mostly residential and Class 10 certificates. Thirty people, dead or permanently shifted, had to be dropped from the list for publication of the first draft.' * A BLO from Sasaram Nagar Nigam in Rohtas said: 'Out of 1,240 voters, about 440 are on the 2003 voters' list. About 150 have submitted their enumeration forms with one of 11 documents.' * In Bhagwanpur (Kaimur), a BLO said: 'The total number of voters in my booth is 1,470, including 500 on the 2003 list. A total of 1,296 forms were submitted but only 20 had one of the 11 documents attached.' * A BLO in Darbhanga's Keoti said: 'Out of 1,110 voters, 515 are on the 2003 list. About 425 submitted forms with one of 11 documents.' * A BLO from Sahebpur Kamal in Begusarai said: 'Out of 1,005 voters in my booth, 560 are on the 2003 list. About 375 submitted forms with one of the 11 documents.' As part of the SIR, the EC has deployed 38 DEOs (District Election Officers), 243 EROs, 2,976 AEROs (Assistant EROs) and 77,895 BLOs. An ERO said, 'Eventually, we will have to look at land papers, family registers, government scheme beneficiaries' details to ascertain genuine electors. We do have a column of other documents, which we can consider if EC allows it at some stage.' In its counter-affidavit filed in the Supreme Court on July 21 in the matter of various pleas challenging the Bihar SIR, the EC has not accepted the court's suggestion to consider Aadhaar, Voter ID and ration cards as proof for this exercise. Santosh Singh is a Senior Assistant Editor with The Indian Express since June 2008. He covers Bihar with main focus on politics, society and governance. Investigative and explanatory stories are also his forte. Singh has 25 years of experience in print journalism covering Bihar, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka. ... Read More
The Print
11-07-2025
- Politics
- The Print
RJD has an EBC dream in Bihar. It'll take more than tickets & tokenism
Based on an analysis of caste-wise candidate nominations by the RJD and JDU, and their respective victories in the 2020 Bihar assembly election, I argue that the RJD needs to move beyond political appointments for the mobilisation of such communities. It also needs to focus on exclusive policies intended to empower EBCs. Otherwise, it will be extremely difficult to break the scepticism of the EBCs. So far, though, EBCs have shown an aversion toward the RJD. Instead, they have gravitated toward the JDU, now in alliance with the BJP, which mobilised its election machinery in Bihar immediately after winning the Delhi assembly election. The question now arises whether the RJD will succeed in its efforts to attract EBCs through the appointment of Mandal. As Bihar gears up for the assembly elections later this year, the opposition Rashtriya Janata Dal has appointed Mangani Lal Mandal as its new state president—the first time it has chosen someone who belongs to the Extremely Backward Classes, or EBCs, a voting bloc that comprises 113 castes and makes up 36 per cent of the state's population. Also Read: What's behind Modi govt's U-turn on caste census & how it targets Oppn ahead of crucial Bihar polls EBC aversion to RJD in 2020 polls Bihar is well known for caste-based political mobilisation. The caste background of candidates is an important indicator of how parties build their social coalitions. It also helps us to understand the support of different castes for various political parties. Let's take a look at the caste-wise candidate nominations and wins of the RJD and JDU in the 2020 Bihar assembly election. This analysis examines the caste composition of nominees and elected representatives from the RJD and JDU in the 2020 Bihar Assembly election, based on candidate data from media reports. The graph below shows that the RJD's highest number of candidates came from the Yadav community (58). After them, only three other groups—EBCs (19), Scheduled Castes (19), and Muslims (18)—had candidates in double digits. Seen as a whole, the RJD focused primarily on its traditional MY (Muslim-Yadav) base, followed by an attempt to bring in EBCs. However, its EBC candidates performed badly. Out of 19 nominated, only four won. In contrast, JDU's EBC candidates performed impressively. It nominated 17 EBC candidates, out of which 12 won. The party's overall ticket distribution was also not concentrated on any one social group. Seven social groups—Yadav (18), EBC (17), SC (16), Kurmi (15), Kushwaha (15), Muslim (11), and Bhumihar (10)—had candidates in double digits. It's worth noting, though, that the highest number of JDU candidates also came from the Yadavs. This nomination profile might be symbolic, but it also conveys a message that the party is not against the legitimate representation of any particular social group. Here, the RJD did not appear as above board, as it had nominated only one candidate from the Kurmi caste, which is the support base of the JDU. In short, the above comparative analysis reveals EBCs have largely steered clear of the RJD. Despite nominating a larger number of candidates from the group, only four of its 19 EBC candidates won, compared to 12 of JDU's 17. Also Read: ECI's voter verification drive in Bihar is tailor-made to keep Dalits, Muslims, EBCs out RJD's inadequate strategy It is often stated that Nitish Kumar has created a constituency of women, MBCs, and Mahadalits, and these social groups have gradually become a strong support base of the JDU. To break the social base of any political party, a rival typically deploys two strategies: ticket splitting and policy changes. The former means nominating candidates from those castes and communities, while the latter involves promising policies that benefit them. The RJD relied on the first strategy, nominating a high number of EBC candidates in the 2020 election. One may counter that the RJD also adopted the strategy of policy change by promising 10 lakh government jobs, from which EBCs would also potentially benefit. So why did EBCs not respond to such promises? One answer could be low educational attainment among EBCs and their limited ability to benefit from reservation policies. Across North Indian states, EBCs have demanded a sub-categorisation within OBC reservations, arguing that they are unable to compete with politically dominant OBC groups such as Yadavs and Kurmis. The BJP responded by appointing the Justice Rohini Committee to examine this demand. At the same time, welfare schemes introduced by the Narendra Modi government have also reached these communities. Because of its alliance with the BJP, the JDU has benefited from both strategies—ticket splitting and policy response—while opposition parties like the RJD have remained stuck on the former. This could partly explain the aversion of EBCs toward the RJD. In the upcoming election, RJD's Tejashwi Yadav is promising to extend the limit of reservation, along with the introduction of a domicile policy for government jobs. However, none of these policies are specifically targeted to address the grievances of EBCs. Unless the party does that, it would be a herculean task to break the aversion. To sum up, the RJD's attempt to expand its social coalition by adding EBCs to its MY base did not deliver encouraging results in the last election. Relying on ticket-splitting alone to mobilise these communities hasn't worked. The party now needs to explore mechanisms beyond candidate nomination. Offering specific welfare schemes could be one of them. Otherwise, it may just be staring at a repeat of 2020. Arvind Kumar is a visiting lecturer in Politics & International Relations at the University of Hertfordshire, UK. He tweets @arvind_kumar__. Views are personal. (Edited by Asavari Singh)
Hindustan Times
04-07-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
SIR exercise in Bihar is akin to votebandi: CPI(ML) chief Dipankar Bhattacharya
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya, whose party is a key constituent of the Opposition INDIA bloc in Bihar, describes the ongoing special intensive revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in the poll-bound state as 'votebandi'. Edited excerpts of his interview to Saubhadra Chatterji: Dipankar Bhattacharya What are the key issues for the INDIA bloc in the upcoming Bihar elections? People feel completely let down and betrayed by the Nitish Kumar's government. Kumar's major plank was development but now you find Bihar completely mired in poverty, unemployment and people are reeling under huge debt burden. Then another major key assurance was good governance and law and order. Today, it's like a reign of complete crime. People are looking for a change. There are a lot of talks that women vote for Nitish Kumar. That was a period when women indeed preferred him. But now, when a mid-day meal worker gets only ₹1,650 for 10 months a year, that support base has eroded. Caste is a dominant factor in Bihar politics. Don't you think JD(U)-BJP alliance appeals to the upper caste, Kurmis, non-Yadav OBCs and EBCs? People often forget that caste is a very dynamic thing. Caste equations are not cast in stone. Also, caste doesn't operate in a vacuum. So, it's not that if there is huge poverty, unemployment, these things don't affect a particular caste. No caste is insulated from this kind of a crisis situation. Especially in this kind of a social and economic crisis, every other caste equation changes. There is no such thing as like a fixed equation. That's why I don't think that any particular caste is a captive vote bank of any particular party. You met the CEC over the ongoing SIR exercise in Bihar. The suddenness with which, without any consultation or prior indication, the election commission has taken up this state campaign, which is logistically impossible, it has completely changed the terms of discourse. Earlier, the citizens and the voters didn't have to prove that they were citizens. It was the job of the state to prove that so and so is an illegitimate voter. Now, the EC has shifted it to the voters. This is like 'votebandi'. Voters whose names were not there in the 2003 voter list will have to prove that they are citizens. And the conditions that have been set by EC makes it very difficult for the people of Bihar. EC has put out a figure saying that the 2003 voter list means some 5 crore (50 million) people are there, so they won't have to produce anything. But this is a statistical illusion, because of those 5 crore people, nearly one-fifth might have passed away or migrated to other states. …This means that today, when you have an adult population of more than 8 crore, roughly 4.5 to 5 crore people will have to prove their citizenship. And this has to be done in just one month, within July 26th. What is the status of seat-sharing agreement among the INDIA bloc allies? Talks are underway. We have had one-on-one talks with the Congress and RJD. All parties have submitted their lists of seats that they would like to contest. A collective call will be taken. I'm sure seat sharing won't really be a big problem. We should be able to complete it maybe within a month.
India Today
01-07-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Why Nitish is force multiplier, not fallback option, for BJP in Bihar
'Nitish Kumar is an asset.' Bihar deputy chief minister Samrat Choudhary of the BJP proclaimed so in a video posted on June 29. 'Even as Leader of the Opposition, I regarded him as an asset—and I do so still,' Choudhary said, asserting that the BJP had embraced Nitish as chief minister of the incumbent government even though his Janata Dal (United) had only 43 seats, and that he would be chief minister encomiums are expected from a deputy chief minister. Yet, what stands out is that only BJP leaders in Bihar—who wield no real authority to determine the chief ministerial candidate of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)—have openly championed Nitish. No senior national leader of the party has publicly endorsed Nitish for another chef ministerial term. And therein lies the is the only Hindi heartland state the BJP has never governed in its own, even though it earned the second-largest-party status in the 2020 polls, securing 74 of the 243 seats. Today, with 78 MLAs, the BJP is the single-largest party in the state. Yet, it is preparing for the upcoming elections under the leadership of Nitish. This continuing reliance on Nitish reflects hard political arithmetic—and even harsher AXIS EFFECT Since 2005, Nitish has been the axis around which Bihar's politics has turned—equal parts survivor, strategist and stabiliser. Beginning with the October 2005 assembly elections, every state poll—2010, 2015 and 2020—has seen a coalition led by him emerge victorious. In national elections too, Nitish delivered emphatic mandates for the NDA: 32 of 40 seats in 2009, 39 in 2019 and 30 in only serious electoral stumble came in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, when the JD(U) contested on its own and won just two seats. Even then, the party had polled a respectable 16.04 per cent of the votes. In 2020, despite winning only 43 assembly seats, the JD(U)'s core voter base remained largely intact. This enduring support underscores how Nitish's durable vote-bank doesn't erode easily even in adverse conditions. For the BJP, that makes him more than a fallback—in fact, a force VACUUMThe BJP in Bihar suffers from a leadership crisis. It has no mass leader with the cross-sectional appeal that Nitish commands. While the JD(U) has diminished in recent years, securing just 15.39 per cent of the votes in 2020 and losing deposits in five constituencies, Nitish's grassroots network remains intact. A longstanding reputation for delivering welfare has earned him the loyalty of Mahadalits and Extremely Backward Castes (EBCs), demographics the BJP has yet to make significant inroads the BJP struggles to field a chief ministerial face with comparable reach. The party may boast of a strong cadre and well-oiled electoral machinery, but Bihar's politics still pivots on personalities. Without a magnetic leader like Nitish, the NDA risks fragmentation in key ARITHMETIC, STABILITYCaste remains the cardinal axis of Bihar's politics. Though the BJP has made gains among EBCs and Mahadalits—traditionally considered out of its orbit—it still lags behind. These groups once formed the bedrock of Nitish's electoral durability. Even with a reduced vote-share, the JD(U)'s support remains crucial in close votes are a necessity. Without a credible ally who can consolidate backward caste support, the BJP would face steep odds in dozens of seats. Nitish's candidacy offers both insulation and ballast: a hedge against the vagaries of caste represents continuity in a volatile political landscape. His frequent realignments—breaking away from the BJP to join the mahagathbandhan in 2015, returning in 2017, switching again in 2022 and reuniting with the NDA in 2024—have painted him as an opportunist. But he has maintained administrative stability throughout. His governments have rarely been paralysed by internal dissent, and he has navigated alliance politics with unerring the BJP, known to have experimented with new chief ministers in other states, replacing Nitish with an untested chief ministerial face carries unnecessary risk. For ally JD(U), the post of chief minister remains non-negotiable. Given Bihar's tight electoral math, where a handful of seats can determine government formation, the BJP may be disinclined to upset a working formula—at least until the results are FIREWALL AGAINST OPPOSITIONTejashwi Yadav's Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) commands a firm grip over the Yadav-Muslim voter bloc—over 30 per cent of Bihar's electorate. In 2020, the RJD emerged as the single-largest party with 75 seats but failed to form government due to allies performing below par. Even in a weakened state, Nitish's party continues to eat into the RJD's appeal among non-Yadav OBCs and EBCs, thereby acting as a bulwark against Opposition Nitish from the equation and that firewall disappears. Critical voters might drift to the RJD or abstain altogether. For the BJP, Nitish thus is not just an electoral partner but a buffer against the potential resurgence of the mahagathbandhan. Nationally, the BJP's alliance with Nitish helps project a broader, more inclusive image—softening its often-cited upper-caste orientation. In Bihar, where perceptions matter as much as performance, this visual of coalition breadth is electorally THE EXCEPTIONNo BJP leader has ever served as chief minister of Bihar. Since 2005, that role has been monopolised by Nitish, except for a brief stint by Jitan Ram Manjhi in 2014-15. Even the most prominent BJP faces from the state have failed to match his popular traction. The Bihar 'exception' is not simply an oddity—it is a structural legacy that the BJP must reckon assembly polls approach, the BJP finds itself caught between its rising organisational strength and an inescapable reliance on Nitish. Among its new crop of leaders, none yet possess his blend of caste arithmetic, administrative track record, and pan-Bihari BJP may dominate national politics, but in Bihar, the formula for power still includes Nitish. Until the BJP can anoint a successor who rivals his charisma and cross-caste reach, it has little choice but to stay tethered to the man known across the state simply as 'Saheb'.Subscribe to India Today Magazine- EndsMust Watch
