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LeDroit Park condominium building was once a well-known funeral home
LeDroit Park condominium building was once a well-known funeral home

Washington Post

time5 days ago

  • Lifestyle
  • Washington Post

LeDroit Park condominium building was once a well-known funeral home

When Washington was a segregated city, Black communities flourished in the Shaw and LeDroit Park neighborhoods, which were centers of jobs, worship and entertainment that revolved around institutions such as Howard University, the Howard Theater and Hall Brothers Funeral Home. For nearly 80 years, Hall Brothers served generations of families who crossed the transom of the Victorian townhouse on Florida Avenue to pay final respects to loved ones. Then gentrification arrived and younger Hall family members had no interest in continuing in the funeral business. The business, the last of a half-dozen Black-owned funeral parlors along the U Street-Florida Avenue NW corridor, closed in 2019 and the building was sold. A planned conversion to office space stalled during the pandemic and the building remained vacant and deteriorating. A car ran into the stoop in 2000 and destroyed the brass railings seen in many historic photos of the funeral home. Enter developer Ethan Arnheim, who bought the property in 2022 and saw an opportunity to preserve many architectural details while creating a seven-unit condominium that offered what many nearby buildings did not: three- and four-bedroom units. 'There is a market for larger units,' Arnheim said. 'D.C. needs more space for families.' Arnheim, who lives in the neighborhood, decided to 'lean in' to the funeral home history, naming the building Washington's Farewell Address as an homage to the city, the first U.S. president and the many farewells that took place in the building. As part of the LeDroit Park Historic District, the building's historic facade had to be maintained, which presented a few challenges, including restoring the unusual curved glass windows. Arnheim invested in custom replacements of some features, including the brass handrails, and used exterior paint colors that matched the originals. He preserved an artistic tile panel in the entry and installed several original art deco wall sconces and pendant chandeliers in a one-bedroom unit on the first floor. 'I hope that the restoration of this property will contribute to the neighborhood's outstanding and historically protected architecture,' Arnheim said. The building is across from the restored Howard Theater, which showcased jazz legends Duke Ellington, Louis Armstrong and Ella Fitzgerald as well as Motown stars James Brown and the Supremes. Units are laid out like railroad flats, and they are bright and airy with deco-inspired chevron-design cabinets. The four-bedroom, two-bath loft-style penthouse has a 430-square-foot deck and 20-foot ceilings, exposed brick and wood joists, and views of the Howard and the stone carvings that frame the condo building's windows. The three- and four-bedroom units have two bathrooms; one with a shower, the other with a soaking tub and shower. Rooms have space-saving pocket doors and closets have adjustable shelving. Each unit has stainless steel appliances, including stacked full-size washer-dryers, granite counter tops, European cabinetry with soft door closing and matte black finishes. Owners can choose their backsplash designs. Arnheim dug out a lower level in the deep lot to accommodate additional units, while preserving the natural light from above. The building is the first residential dwelling visitors encounter when entering LeDroit Park on Florida Avenue from the west. Shortly after he bought the property, Arnheim contacted Mural Arts and commissioned a bright abstract mural for its exposed west side. Open-concept kitchens includes granite countertops, stainless steel appliances, under-cabinet lighting and pocket doors. On a recent tour, Arnheim opened a closet to reveal the funeral home's original oak newel post from the elegant stairway off the reception room. He said he couldn't find a way to incorporate it into the new design. But didn't want to let it go until he does. Public Schools: Cleveland Elementary. Cardozo Education Campus is a combined middle and high school. Transit: The Shaw-Howard University Metro station, on the Green Line, is two blocks away.

How allies have helped the US gain independence, defend freedom and keep the peace – even as the US did the same for our friends
How allies have helped the US gain independence, defend freedom and keep the peace – even as the US did the same for our friends

Yahoo

time20-02-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

How allies have helped the US gain independence, defend freedom and keep the peace – even as the US did the same for our friends

Make Canada angry. Make Mexico angry. Make the members of NATO angry. During the first few weeks of the second Trump administration, President Donald Trump, Vice President JD Vance and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said a lot of things about longtime allies that caused frustration and outright friction among the leaders of those countries. Trump and Vance indeed appear to disdain close alliances, favoring an America First approach to the world. A New York Times headline characterized the relationship between the U.S. and Europe now as 'A Strained Alliance.' As a former diplomat, I'm aware that how the U.S. treats its allies has been a crucial question in every presidency, since George Washington became the country's first chief executive. On his way out of that job, Washington said something that Trump, Vance and their fellow America First advocates would probably embrace. In what's known as his 'Farewell Address,' Washington warned Americans against 'entangling alliances.' Washington wanted America to treat all nations fairly, and warned against both permanent friendships and permanent enemies. The irony is that Washington would never have become president without the assistance of the not-yet-United-States' first ally, France. In 1778, after two years of brilliant diplomacy by Benjamin Franklin, the not-yet-United States and the Kingdom of France signed a treaty of alliance as the American Colonies struggled to win their war for independence from Britain. France sent soldiers, money and ships to the American revolutionaries. Within three years, after a major intervention by the French fleet, the battle of Yorktown in 1781 effectively ended the war and America was independent. American political leaders largely heeded Washington's warning against alliances throughout the 1800s. The Atlantic Ocean shielded the young nation from Europe's problems and many conflicts, and America's closest neighbors had smaller populations and less military might. Aside from the War of 1812, in which the U.S. fought the British, America largely found itself protected from the outside world's problems. That began to change when Europe descended into the brutal trench warfare of World War I. Initially, American politicians avoided becoming involved. What would today be called an isolationist movement was strong, and its supporters felt that the war in Europe was being waged for the benefit of big business. But it was hard for the maintain neutrality. German submarines sank ships crossing the Atlantic carrying American passengers. The economies of some of America's biggest trading partners were in shreds; the democracies of Britain, France and other European countries were at risk. President Woodrow Wilson led the United States into the war in 1917 as an ally of the Western European nations. When he asked Congress for a declaration of war, Wilson touted the value of like-minded allies, saying, 'A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations.' The war was over within 16 months. Immediately after the war, the Allies – led by the U.S., France and Britain – stayed together to craft the peace agreements, feed the war-ravaged parts of Europe and intervene in Russia after the Communist Revolution there. Prosperity came along with the peace, helping the U.S. quickly develop into a global economic power. However, within a few years, American politicians returned to traditional isolationism in political and military matters and continued this attitude well into the 1930s. The worldwide Great Depression that began in 1929 was blamed on vulnerabilities in the global economy, and there was a strong sentiment among Americans that the U.S. should fix its internal problems rather than assist Europe with its problems. As both Hitler and the Japanese Empire began to attack their neighbors in the late 1930s, it became clear to President Franklin Roosevelt and other American military and political leaders that the U.S. would get caught up in World War II. If nothing else, airplanes had erased America's ability to hide behind the Atlantic Ocean. Though public opinion was divided, the U.S. began sending arms and other assistance to Britain and quietly began military planning with London. This was despite the fact that the U.S. was formally neutral, as the Roosevelt administration was pushing the limits of what a neutral nation can do for friendly nations without becoming a warring party. In January of 1941, Roosevelt gave his annual State of the Union speech to Congress. He appeared to prepare the country for possible intervention – both on behalf of allies abroad and for the preservation of American democracy: 'The future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders. Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, and Asia, and Africa and Australasia will be dominated by conquerors. In times like these it is immature – and incidentally, untrue – for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.' When the Japanese attacked Hawaii in 1941 and Hitler declared war on the United States, America quickly entered World War II in an alliance with Britain, the Free French and others. Throughout the war, the Allies worked as a team on matters large and small. They defeated Germany in three and half years and Japan in less than four. As World War II ended, the wartime alliance produced two longer-term partnerships built on the understanding that working together had produced a powerful and effective counter to fascism. The first of these alliances is the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or NATO. The original members were the U.S., Canada, Britain, France and others of the wartime Allies. There are now 32 members, including Poland, Hungary and Turkey. The aims of NATO were to keep the peace in Europe and contain the growing Communist threat from the Soviet Union. NATO's supporters feel that, given that the wars in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and in the Ukraine today are the only major conflicts in Europe in 80 years, the alliance has met its goals well. And NATO troops went to Afghanistan along with the U.S. military after 9/11. The other institution created by the wartime Allies is the United Nations. The U.N. is many things – a humanitarian aid organization, a forum for countries to raise their issues and a source of international law. However, it is also an alliance. The U.N. Security Council on several occasions authorized the use of force by members, such as in the first Gulf War against Iraq. And it has the power to send peacekeeping troops to conflict areas under the U.N. flag. Other U.S. allies with treaties or designations by Congress include Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Israel, three South American countries and six in the Middle East. In addition to these formal alliances, many of the same countries created institutions such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Organization of American States and the European Union. The U.S. belongs to all of these except the European Union. During my 35-year diplomatic career, I worked with all of these institutions, particularly in efforts to stabilize Africa. They keep the peace and support development efforts with loans and grants. Admirers of this postwar liberal international order point to the limited number of major armed conflicts during the past 80 years, the globalized economy and international cooperation on important matters such as disease control and fighting terrorism. Detractors point to this system's inability to stop some very deadly conflicts, such as Vietnam or Ukraine, and the large populations that haven't done well under globalization as evidence of its flaws. The world would look dramatically different without the Allies' victories in the two World Wars, the stable worldwide economic system and NATO's and the U.N.'s keeping the world relatively peaceful. But the value of allies to Americans, even when they benefit from alliances, appears to have shifted between George Washington's attitude – avoid them – and that of Franklin D. Roosevelt – go all in … eventually. This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Donald Heflin, Tufts University Read more: Russia's shrinking world: The war in Ukraine and Moscow's global reach On Ukraine, candidate Trump touts his role as dealmaker while Harris sticks with unwavering support JD Vance's selection as Trump's running mate marks the end of Republican conservatism Donald Heflin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

George Washington Cut Six Sentences From His Farewell Address. They're Haunting Me Now.
George Washington Cut Six Sentences From His Farewell Address. They're Haunting Me Now.

Yahoo

time17-02-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

George Washington Cut Six Sentences From His Farewell Address. They're Haunting Me Now.

Sign up for the Slatest to get the most insightful analysis, criticism, and advice out there, delivered to your inbox daily. In 1796, George Washington struck six pointed sentences from his Farewell Address. I'd largely forgotten about them—the final address contains enough wisdom to fill volumes—until, on a whim, I revisited the drafts. What I found was revelatory: a chilling prophecy of the constitutional crisis now threatening to engulf our nation. These excised lines from the Farewell Address serve not only as a warning but as a prescient prophecy of the political turmoil and factionalism that would later shape the nation's history. They reveal Washington's deep understanding of the fragile nature of democratic institutions and the ever-present threats of demagoguery and partisan strife. This Presidents Day, these rediscovered warnings serve not as a eulogy for our experiment in self-governance, but as a rallying cry for its reinvigoration. 'In Republics of narrow extent,' Washington cautioned in this purged passage, 'it is not difficult for those who at any time hold the reins of Power, and command the ordinary public favor, to overturn the established Constitution, in favor of their own aggrandisement.' Washington offered the blueprint of the modern demagogue, a Cassandra-like prophecy of executive overreach and populist fervor. His words eerily prefigure the rise of Andrew Jackson's 'spoils system,' Gov. Huey Long's Louisiana fiefdom, and our current era of autocracy amplified by social media. Washington, having spurned a crown himself, recognized the siren song that could bewitch even ostensibly democratic leaders, particularly in polities where checks on power are easily subverted. 'Partial combinations of men, who though not in Office, from birth, riches or other sources of distinction, have extraordinary influence & numerous adherents' would subvert the very foundations of the republic, Washington warned. To become a demagogue, a president would need more than a powerful political party; he'd depend on a cabal of powerful citizens—the wealthy puppet masters, media barons, and shadow influencers—who could provide the scaffolding for a president to dismantle democratic norms. The enablers of tyranny, Washington predicted, wouldn't be public servants, but private citizens who thought nothing of trading constitutional principles for a seat at the table of power. Washington, who transitioned seamlessly from general to president and back to private citizen, could easily imagine a demagogue giving in to the perilous temptation to use martial power as a political cudgel. 'By debauching the military force, by surprising some commanding citadel, or by some other sudden & unforeseen movement, the fate of the Republic is decided,' he warned, intimating that the president could deploy troops for domestic political ends, quelling protests, rounding up people he deems undesirable, and undermining electoral processes. But then, suddenly, there's good news. Washington's analysis in this excised section pivots to a cautious optimism about large republics—at a time when the United States territory extended only to the Mississippi River. 'But in Republics of large extent, usurpations can scarcely make its way through these avenues,' Washington writes to 'Friends & Fellow-Citizens,' in an address that was published in newspapers rather than delivered to Congress. 'The powers and opportunities of resistance of a wide extended and numerous nation, defy the successful efforts of the ordinary military force, or of any Collections which wealth and patronage may call to their aid.' Echoing James Madison in Federalist No. 10, he places faith in size as democracy's invisible shield. The American experiment, sprawling across half a continent, was to be a Gordian knot too complex for any would-be Alexander to slice through. Notably, Washington's emphasis on 'resistance' suggests a populace capable of thwarting tyranny through its sheer diversity and geographic spread—a prescient nod to the grassroots movements and state-level pushback that would often serve as bulwarks against federal overreach in centuries to come. The last line Washington omitted, however, qualifies that optimism with a sobering coda: 'In such Republics, it is safe to assert, that the conflicts of popular factions are the chief, if not the only inlets, of usurpation and Tyranny.' The Achilles' heel of large democracies—their very diversity, if channeled into blind factionalism—could become the instrument of their undoing. Washington had no crystal ball, and yet he vaguely described a country where political tribes hunker in digital bunkers, consuming and creating partisan journalism, lobbing grenades across an ever-widening chasm of mutual incomprehension. Why did Washington strike these pointed lines from his Farewell Address? Alexander Hamilton, by then a New York lawyer who still played the president's éminence grise, wanted Washington to exit as he entered: a unifying figure optimistic about the 'infant nation.' He warned that Washington's draft, tinged with partisan bitterness, would not 'wear well.' In 2025, however, it's clear that Hamilton was being shortsighted. The irony stings: In preserving Washington's unifying legacy, perhaps those words that could have unified Americans in a more important way—against the very factionalism now threatening our republic—were erased. Is it too late? Now that we've unearthed these lines, we can't unsee them. This Presidents Day, Washington's cuts serve as a clarion call, challenging us to prove that a republic can indeed survive the very pluralism that defines it. They demand action: confront divisive rhetoric, safeguard democratic institutions, and remain vigilant against fast and furious authoritarianism. The choice is ours. History awaits our answer.

Why is Washington's birthday a holiday? How Presidents Day came to be.
Why is Washington's birthday a holiday? How Presidents Day came to be.

USA Today

time17-02-2025

  • Politics
  • USA Today

Why is Washington's birthday a holiday? How Presidents Day came to be.

Why is Washington's birthday a holiday? How Presidents Day came to be. | Opinion While commercial sales and long weekends may now dominate the public consciousness, the holiday offers a moment to appreciate the weight of the presidency and the responsibility it carries. Show Caption Hide Caption Presidents Day: what businesses are open and closed on the holiday Washington's birthday, or Presidents Day, is the third Monday of February, so here are what businesses are open and closed on the federal holiday? USA TODAY For many Americans, Presidents Day is a welcome respite from work or school, an opportunity for a winter getaway, or simply a chance to take advantage of holiday sales. But this is a day with much historical significance for Americans and presidents themselves. Some presidents have marked the day with formal ceremonies and public addresses, while others have taken a more unconventional approach. The origins of Presidents Day lie in salutes to George Washington's Feb. 22 birthday, some highly ceremonial and others strikingly unusual. In the early 19th century, for instance, a formal invitation invited guests including then-President Andrew Jackson to a 'Washington's Birth Night Ball,' one of the grand social affairs of the early Republic. In 1837, the tone was more unorthodox when President Jackson opened the doors of the executive mansion on Washington's birthday for citizens to enjoy an enormous cheese weighing nearly 1,400 pounds. Ever the populist, Jackson invited the public to join him in celebration and partake, a gesture reflecting his belief in an open and accessible White House. Presidents Day has evolved over the years Gatherings, celebrations, parades and public readings of Washington's Farewell Address – still an annual tradition in the U.S. Senate chamber – show the reverence with which President Washington was and continues to be regarded, setting a precedent for later presidential commemorations. By the 20th century, mass communication transformed how presidents marked the occasion. On Feb. 12, 1931, President Herbert Hoover, an early proponent of what he called 'the magic of radio,' used the medium to address the nation on Abraham Lincoln's birthday, reflecting on the 16th president's enduring legacy. This was one of the many examples of a president using modern technology to connect with the public on important national days. Opinion: Presidential inaugurations showcase America's resilience. It's our history. In 1971, the law that moved many federal holidays to Mondays reassigned Washington's birthday commemoration to the third Monday in February, creating a long winter weekend and encouraging greater observance. While still officially called 'Washington's Birthday' by the federal government today, the unofficial name 'Presidents Day' gained popularity as retailers and state and local governments broadened the scope to honor all our presidents, including Washington and Lincoln whose birthdays bookend that Monday. Presidents Day is an opportunity to remember presidential history Modern presidents have observed the holiday in a variety of ways, by relaxing, working and campaigning. On the third Monday of February 1978, for instance, Jimmy Carter placed a morning call to his Labor secretary, watched a new movie in the afternoon with family and friends in the White House Theater (Mel Brooks' 'High Anxiety'), and then in the evening, traveled by Marine One helicopter to Delaware for a reelection fundraiser for then-U.S. Sen. (and later president) Joe Biden. In mid-February 1981, President Ronald Reagan placed a wreath at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. Opinion: Meet the people who run the White House. Their legacy extends across elections. The U.S. holiday is also noted worldwide. For years, the White House Historical Association has coordinated with embassies around the globe for wreath-laying ceremonies at overseas statues and memorials to past presidents. There are dozens of such statues in more than 20 countries, reflecting the global impact of American leadership. Though the observance of Presidents Day has evolved over time, its significance endures. It remains a day to reflect on the vision, leadership and sacrifices of those who have guided the nation through triumph and turmoil. While commercial sales and long weekends may now dominate the public consciousness, the holiday nonetheless still offers a moment to appreciate the weight of the presidency and the responsibility it carries. Opinion alerts: Get columns from your favorite columnists + expert analysis on top issues, delivered straight to your device through the USA TODAY app. Don't have the app? Download it for free from your app store. This day is also an opportunity for families, communities and schools to engage in civic education. Presidents Day is more than a date on the calendar. It's a call to learn about all who have held the office and the one place they all share: the White House. Whether you are enjoying a day off, taking advantage of holiday discounts or delving into history, take a moment to reflect on our American presidents who have held the office and consider how we can ensure that future generations appreciate the history and legacy of the presidency. Stewart D. McLaurin is president of the nonprofit White House Historical Association and director of The People's House: A White House Experience multimedia educational center and museum.

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