Latest news with #French-Algerian
The Age
3 days ago
- Politics
- The Age
This is fine: An existential guide to Australian politics
Albert Camus would have been a lousy goalkeeper. Think about it. The French-Algerian standing between the posts, his head in the clouds. Reports say the writer excelled for Algiers Racing Uni's First XI, but I have my doubts. Imagine relying on Albert as your last line of defence, the bloke spouting stuff like, 'The only real progress lies in learning to be wrong all alone'. Or: 'An intellectual is someone whose mind watches itself'. Wake up, Albie! The ball is coming! Tuberculosis intervened, sadly, the goalie trading gloves for philosophy, plus those olive-green novels – The Stranger, The Fall – that ask the big questions. Each title has been a staple of high school and Existentialism 101. Not that Camus used the term. Indeed he rejected the e-word, preferring instead to forge fables around the incomprehensibility of existence. As that's the central plank, that irksome query about why we're here, and what we should do about it. 'Man is the only creature who refuses to be what he is,' as Camus said. Which makes you wonder what we're meant to be. Precisely the conundrum heard in Canberra this month. Is it any wonder? How can a power bloc of two parties implode into a rabble, losing seats like musical chairs, going from Coalition to Noalition? Cartoonist Cathy Wilcox depicted a bisected couch, one parent per half, both insisting 'Mummy and Daddy still love you very much'. Question being, are Mama Ley and Papa Littleproud going through a break-up, or merely a break? Either way, whether this new reunion lasts, the existentialism burns deep, fanned by those pesky Camus questions. 'I can't go on, I'll go on,' as Samuel Beckett said, a handy left-hand opener for Trinity College, and another writer besotted by existentialism. Macquarie Dictionary defines the ideology as 'a group of doctrines – some theistic, some atheistic – deriving from Kierkegaard, which stress the importance of existence, and of the freedom and responsibility of the finite mind.' Existential first emerged about 1693 as an adjective for existence. A century on, Soren Kierkegaard co-opted the ism to refute the divine logic that Georg Hegel fancied, where the rational is actual, and vice versa. Lort, thought Soren: Danish for bullshit. In his milestone work Either/Or, the philosopher writes, 'There are two possible situations – one can either do this or do that. My honest opinion, and my friendly advice is this: do it, or do not do it. You will regret both.' Loading Remind you of anyone – federally, I mean? Hence the e-word's rise. Existential now applies to politics, the arts, deconstruction cuisine, eco-anxiety, and anywhere you look. Last year Flinders University revealed how doomscrolling – surfing online between Gaza and La Nina – breeds existentialism. Reza Shebahang, the study's lead, claimed the custom has 'dire consequences on our mental health, leaving us feeling stress, anxiety, despair and questioning the meaning of life'. Smart machines and AI inroads only deepen the abyss. Pushed to existential extremes, we feel like adjuncts to this thing called life. Avatars. Daydreamers in the goalmouth. Or characters living life forwards so that we might understand what we're doing in hindsight, to paraphrase Kierkegaard. If it's any comfort to party leaders, doomscrollers and general AI alarmists, remember that 'the key to being happy isn't a search for meaning. It's to just keep yourself busy with unimportant nonsense, and eventually, you'll be dead'. Camus? Beckett? Try Mr Peanutbutter, the easygoing labrador from BoJack Horseman.
Sydney Morning Herald
3 days ago
- Politics
- Sydney Morning Herald
This is fine: An existential guide to Australian politics
Albert Camus would have been a lousy goalkeeper. Think about it. The French-Algerian standing between the posts, his head in the clouds. Reports say the writer excelled for Algiers Racing Uni's First XI, but I have my doubts. Imagine relying on Albert as your last line of defence, the bloke spouting stuff like, 'The only real progress lies in learning to be wrong all alone'. Or: 'An intellectual is someone whose mind watches itself'. Wake up, Albie! The ball is coming! Tuberculosis intervened, sadly, the goalie trading gloves for philosophy, plus those olive-green novels – The Stranger, The Fall – that ask the big questions. Each title has been a staple of high school and Existentialism 101. Not that Camus used the term. Indeed he rejected the e-word, preferring instead to forge fables around the incomprehensibility of existence. As that's the central plank, that irksome query about why we're here, and what we should do about it. 'Man is the only creature who refuses to be what he is,' as Camus said. Which makes you wonder what we're meant to be. Precisely the conundrum heard in Canberra this month. Is it any wonder? How can a power bloc of two parties implode into a rabble, losing seats like musical chairs, going from Coalition to Noalition? Cartoonist Cathy Wilcox depicted a bisected couch, one parent per half, both insisting 'Mummy and Daddy still love you very much'. Question being, are Mama Ley and Papa Littleproud going through a break-up, or merely a break? Either way, whether this new reunion lasts, the existentialism burns deep, fanned by those pesky Camus questions. 'I can't go on, I'll go on,' as Samuel Beckett said, a handy left-hand opener for Trinity College, and another writer besotted by existentialism. Macquarie Dictionary defines the ideology as 'a group of doctrines – some theistic, some atheistic – deriving from Kierkegaard, which stress the importance of existence, and of the freedom and responsibility of the finite mind.' Existential first emerged about 1693 as an adjective for existence. A century on, Soren Kierkegaard co-opted the ism to refute the divine logic that Georg Hegel fancied, where the rational is actual, and vice versa. Lort, thought Soren: Danish for bullshit. In his milestone work Either/Or, the philosopher writes, 'There are two possible situations – one can either do this or do that. My honest opinion, and my friendly advice is this: do it, or do not do it. You will regret both.' Loading Remind you of anyone – federally, I mean? Hence the e-word's rise. Existential now applies to politics, the arts, deconstruction cuisine, eco-anxiety, and anywhere you look. Last year Flinders University revealed how doomscrolling – surfing online between Gaza and La Nina – breeds existentialism. Reza Shebahang, the study's lead, claimed the custom has 'dire consequences on our mental health, leaving us feeling stress, anxiety, despair and questioning the meaning of life'. Smart machines and AI inroads only deepen the abyss. Pushed to existential extremes, we feel like adjuncts to this thing called life. Avatars. Daydreamers in the goalmouth. Or characters living life forwards so that we might understand what we're doing in hindsight, to paraphrase Kierkegaard. If it's any comfort to party leaders, doomscrollers and general AI alarmists, remember that 'the key to being happy isn't a search for meaning. It's to just keep yourself busy with unimportant nonsense, and eventually, you'll be dead'. Camus? Beckett? Try Mr Peanutbutter, the easygoing labrador from BoJack Horseman.
eNCA
21-05-2025
- Politics
- eNCA
Algeria, France in 'worst crisis' since independence: French historian
Algeria and France are currently experiencing their worst crisis since the former French colony won independence in 1962, said the author of a landmark report on France's legacy in the north African nation. It will take painstaking work, including on historical grievances, to restore trust, Benjamin Stora, one of the world's leading experts on French-Algerian history, added in an interview with AFP. Atrocities committed by both sides during the 1954-1962 Algerian war of independence have long strained relations -- even half a century later. But the last months have seen a particular spike in ill feeling after President Emmanuel Macron in July 2024 backed Moroccan sovereignty over the disputed Western Sahara, where Algeria backs the pro-independence Polisario Front. Ties soured further when Algeria arrested and jailed French-Algerian writer Boualem Sansal in November on national security charges. French authorities have arrested Algerian influencers in France on terror propaganda charges while there have been tit-for-tat expulsions of officials working in both countries. Bilateral ties are enduring their "most significant crisis since Algeria's independence in 1962", Stora told AFP. Stora said that the crisis has set in for a long duration as on both sides there are "people and organisations that have a vested interest in things not always going very well". He added that while work on the historical memory of French colonisation of Algeria is "indispensable", it will not be enough on its own to extricate Paris and Algiers from the "unprecedented" crisis. And in terms of history, a shadow is cast in Algeria not just by the violations committed by French forces during the war of independence but also massacres carried out in the early years of colonisation from 1830 to 1880 that are little known in France. "It goes back very far. We are talking about six generations," he said. - 'Ghost in the cupboard' - On Macron's move over Western Sahara, he added: "Perhaps this should have been discussed. That wasn't the case... Unfortunately, we have settled into this misunderstanding. AFP | JOEL SAGET "We must be patient and move forward step by step with the political will to resolve the situation." Stora in January 2021 presented a report to Macron describing a "never-ending memory war" between the former colonial power and colony. He proposed the creation of a mixed French-Algerian "memory and truth commission" that would hear testimony from all sides and drive efforts at reconciliation. Macron, the first president born after the colonial period, has gone further than any of his predecessors in recognising crimes committed by French forces. In his latest gesture in November, Macron acknowledged that Larbi Ben M'hidi, a key figure in Algeria's war against France, had been killed by French soldiers after his arrest in 1957. AFP | JOEL SAGET But he has always stopped short of issuing any formal apology, a move that would cause uproar on the right as well as the far-right, many of whose supporters are from families of the so-called "pieds noirs" French who settled in Algeria but returned to France after independence. Stora warned that the issue had become deeply political, with hardline Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau taking aim at Algeria in his successful bid for the leadership of his right-wing party. He did not rule out it could become an issue in 2027 presidential elections where the far-right is due to launch a major challenge. The memory of colonisation and the Algerian War is "a bit like the ghost in the cupboard", said Stora. "We feel like we've locked everything away, but it still slips out and the memory comes back."
Time of India
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Algeria, France in 'worst crisis' since independence: French historian
Representative AI image Algeria and France are currently experiencing their worst crisis since the former French colony won independence in 1962, said the author of a landmark report on France's legacy in the north African nation. It will take painstaking work, including on historical grievances , to restore trust, Benjamin Stora , one of the world's leading experts on French-Algerian history, added in an interview with AFP. Atrocities committed by both sides during the 1954-1962 Algerian war of independence have long strained relations -- even half a century later. But the last months have seen a particular spike in ill feeling after President Emmanuel Macron in July 2024 backed Moroccan sovereignty over the disputed Western Sahara, where Algeria backs the pro-independence Polisario Front. Ties soured further when Algeria arrested and jailed French-Algerian writer Boualem Sansal in November on national security charges. French authorities have arrested Algerian influencers in France on terror propaganda charges while there have been tit-for-tat expulsions of officials working in both countries. Bilateral ties are enduring their "most significant crisis since Algeria's independence in 1962", Stora told AFP. Stora said that the crisis has set in for a long duration as on both sides there are "people and organisations that have a vested interest in things not always going very well". He added that while work on the historical memory of French colonisation of Algeria is "indispensable", it will not be enough on its own to extricate Paris and Algiers from the "unprecedented" crisis. And in terms of history, a shadow is cast in Algeria not just by the violations committed by French forces during the war of independence but also massacres carried out in the early years of colonisation from 1830 to 1880 that are little known in France. "It goes back very far. We are talking about six generations," he said. Ghost in the cupboard On Macron's move over Western Sahara, he added: "Perhaps this should have been discussed. That wasn't the case... Unfortunately, we have settled into this misunderstanding. "We must be patient and move forward step by step with the political will to resolve the situation." Stora in January 2021 presented a report to Macron describing a "never-ending memory war" between the former colonial power and colony. He proposed the creation of a mixed French-Algerian "memory and truth commission" that would hear testimony from all sides and drive efforts at reconciliation. Macron, the first president born after the colonial period, has gone further than any of his predecessors in recognising crimes committed by French forces. In his latest gesture in November, Macron acknowledged that Larbi Ben M'hidi, a key figure in Algeria's war against France, had been killed by French soldiers after his arrest in 1957. But he has always stopped short of issuing any formal apology, a move that would cause uproar on the right as well as the far-right, many of whose supporters are from families of the so-called "pieds noirs" French who settled in Algeria but returned to France after independence. Stora warned that the issue had become deeply political, with hardline Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau taking aim at Algeria in his successful bid for the leadership of his right-wing party. He did not rule out it could become an issue in 2027 presidential elections where the far-right is due to launch a major challenge. The memory of colonisation and the Algerian War is "a bit like the ghost in the cupboard", said Stora. "We feel like we've locked everything away, but it still slips out and the memory comes back."
Local France
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Local France
Algeria and France in 'worst crisis' since independence, claims French historian
It will take painstaking work, including on historical grievances, to restore trust, Benjamin Stora, one of the world's leading experts on French-Algerian history, added in an interview with AFP. Atrocities committed by both sides during the 1954-1962 Algerian war of independence have long strained relations -- even half a century later. But the last months have seen a particular spike in ill feeling after President Emmanuel Macron in July 2024 backed Moroccan sovereignty over the disputed Western Sahara, where Algeria backs the pro-independence Polisario Front. Ties soured further when Algeria arrested and jailed French-Algerian writer Boualem Sansal in November on national security charges. French authorities have arrested Algerian influencers in France on terror propaganda charges while there have been tit-for-tat expulsions of officials working in both countries. Bilateral ties are enduring their "most significant crisis since Algeria's independence in 1962", Stora told AFP. Stora said that the crisis has set in for a long duration as on both sides there are "people and organisations that have a vested interest in things not always going very well". Advertisement He added that while work on the historical memory of French colonisation of Algeria is "indispensable", it will not be enough on its own to extricate Paris and Algiers from the "unprecedented" crisis. And in terms of history, a shadow is cast in Algeria not just by the violations committed by French forces during the war of independence but also massacres carried out in the early years of colonisation from 1830 to 1880 that are little known in France. "It goes back very far. We are talking about six generations," he said. 'Ghost in the cupboard' On Macron's move over Western Sahara, he added: "Perhaps this should have been discussed. That wasn't the case... Unfortunately, we have settled into this misunderstanding. "We must be patient and move forward step by step with the political will to resolve the situation." Stora in January 2021 presented a report to Macron describing a "never-ending memory war" between the former colonial power and colony. He proposed the creation of a mixed French-Algerian "memory and truth commission" that would hear testimony from all sides and drive efforts at reconciliation. Advertisement Macron, the first president born after the colonial period, has gone further than any of his predecessors in recognising crimes committed by French forces. In his latest gesture in November, Macron acknowledged that Larbi Ben M'hidi, a key figure in Algeria's war against France, had been killed by French soldiers after his arrest in 1957. But he has always stopped short of issuing any formal apology, a move that would cause uproar on the right as well as the far-right, many of whose supporters are from families of the so-called "pieds noirs" French who settled in Algeria but returned to France after independence. Stora warned that the issue had become deeply political, with hardline Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau taking aim at Algeria in his successful bid for the leadership of his right-wing party. He did not rule out it could become an issue in 2027 presidential elections where the far-right is due to launch a major challenge. The memory of colonisation and the Algerian War is "a bit like the ghost in the cupboard", said Stora. "We feel like we've locked everything away, but it still slips out and the memory comes back."
