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Last two squadrons of MiG-21s retiring next month: IAF's combat strength set to plunge to all-time low
Last two squadrons of MiG-21s retiring next month: IAF's combat strength set to plunge to all-time low

Deccan Herald

time09-08-2025

  • Politics
  • Deccan Herald

Last two squadrons of MiG-21s retiring next month: IAF's combat strength set to plunge to all-time low

Twenty-two years ago, on a cloudy August day at Ambala, septuagenarian George Fernandes took a ride in a MiG-21, sporting a G-suit. The Atal Bihari Vajpayee government was at the receiving end of public anger after a series of crashes killing young pilots and Fernandes, as the defence minister, had to do something to repose people's faith in an aircraft that was the mainstay of the Indian Air Force since the 1960s but unfortunately earned monikers like 'flying coffin' and 'widow maker'.After a 25-minute sortie, a visibly relieved minister said that the flight had been intended to remove negative perceptions about the aircraft from people's minds. The messaging quelled the discontent for some time. A few months passed by peacefully before the next fatal MiG-21 decades, the MiG-21s (NATO name: Fishbed) have been painted as villains, though experts point out that the fault lies with an inadequate training platform and the Centre's procrastination in getting the advanced jet trainer, which came two decades behind the early days when the number of MiG-21 squadrons was limited, only experienced pilots flew the aircraft, and the accident rate was low. As squadron numbers grew, relatively younger pilots were put in the cockpit of an unforgiving to the IAF historian Anchit Gupta, the force had little option but to send young pilot officers to MiG-21 squadrons even though the training they received was not enough to go straightaway to a combat jet that had landing speeds of more than 300 km per hour. 'Between 1985 and 2005, as many as 63 MiG-21s crashed with either Pilot Officers or Flying Officers at the controls. Forty-five of those crashes were fatal. A generation of young IAF pilots was lost," Gupta wrote in a social media the mishaps, the IAF continued with MiG-21 in the absence of an alternative. In the 1990s, it was decided to upgrade 125 of these fighters to MiG-21 BIS with better radar, avionics and other systems, even though the engine and airframe remained the same. The upgraded ones flew for another 20-plus years before age caught up with the flying last two MiG-21 BIS squadrons will bid adieu next month, bringing down the curtains on the mighty jet's journey in the IAF. Unfortunately, the sunset moment will also mark the lowest squadron strength for the IAF with only 29 units as against the sanctioned 42.5 squadrons. This comes at a time when China and Pakistan have been boosting their air power steadily, with the communist country having more than 2100 combat dilly-dallying seen in buying the Hawk Advanced Jet Trainer 30 years ago is visible even today. This time it is about finding a replacement for the MiG-21s. The delivery of Tejas Light Combat Aircraft is hugely delayed, the latest irritant being the US major General Electric's failure to supply the engines in time. More than 20 years have been wasted to get 6-7 squadrons of medium multi-role combat jets to replace some of the ode to MiG-21: Farewell, my Faithful UPA government spent a decade carrying out a global tender and shortlisting the French Rafale as the chosen platform for the 126 Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) programme. In the next 11 years, the NDA government under Narendra Modi cancelled the MMRCA tender; made emergency procurement of two squadrons of Rafale combat jets and announced the Multi Role Fighter Aircraft (MRFA) programme to buy 114 fighter jets, but the programme has not moved much beyond the initial and the US have offered India the expensive fifth-generation fighter aircraft, like the Su-57 and the F-35, respectively. Defence Secretary R K Singh, however, said that no formal consultation was going on with any of them, as New Delhi was keen to develop its own fifth-generation Advanced Medium Combat the IAF will fight with 'whatever we have', Air Chief Marshal A P Singh said, amid the humming and hawing.

MiG-21 era set to end, widening chink in air armour
MiG-21 era set to end, widening chink in air armour

Deccan Herald

time08-08-2025

  • Politics
  • Deccan Herald

MiG-21 era set to end, widening chink in air armour

Twenty-two years ago, on a cloudy August day at Ambala, septuagenarian George Fernandes took a ride in a MiG-21, sporting a G-suit. The Atal Bihari Vajpayee government was at the receiving end of public anger after a series of crashes killing young pilots and Fernandes, as the defence minister, had to do something to repose people's faith in an aircraft that was the mainstay of the Indian Air Force since the 1960s but unfortunately earned monikers like 'flying coffin' and 'widow maker'.After a 25-minute sortie, a visibly relieved minister said that the flight had been intended to remove negative perceptions about the aircraft from people's minds. The messaging quelled the discontent for some time. A few months passed by peacefully before the next fatal MiG-21 decades, the MiG-21s (NATO name: Fishbed) have been painted as villains, though experts point out that the fault lies with an inadequate training platform and the Centre's procrastination in getting the advanced jet trainer, which came two decades behind the early days when the number of MiG-21 squadrons was limited, only experienced pilots flew the aircraft, and the accident rate was low. As squadron numbers grew, relatively younger pilots were put in the cockpit of an unforgiving to the IAF historian Anchit Gupta, the force had little option but to send young pilot officers to MiG-21 squadrons even though the training they received was not enough to go straightaway to a combat jet that had landing speeds of more than 300 km per hour. 'Between 1985 and 2005, as many as 63 MiG-21s crashed with either Pilot Officers or Flying Officers at the controls. Forty-five of those crashes were fatal. A generation of young IAF pilots was lost," Gupta wrote in a social media the mishaps, the IAF continued with MiG-21 in the absence of an alternative. In the 1990s, it was decided to upgrade 125 of these fighters to MiG-21 BIS with better radar, avionics and other systems, even though the engine and airframe remained the same. The upgraded ones flew for another 20-plus years before age caught up with the flying last two MiG-21 BIS squadrons will bid adieu next month, bringing down the curtains on the mighty jet's journey in the IAF. Unfortunately, the sunset moment will also mark the lowest squadron strength for the IAF with only 29 units as against the sanctioned 42.5 squadrons. This comes at a time when China and Pakistan have been boosting their air power steadily, with the communist country having more than 2100 combat dilly-dallying seen in buying the Hawk Advanced Jet Trainer 30 years ago is visible even today. This time it is about finding a replacement for the MiG-21s. The delivery of Tejas Light Combat Aircraft is hugely delayed, the latest irritant being the US major General Electric's failure to supply the engines in time. More than 20 years have been wasted to get 6-7 squadrons of medium multi-role combat jets to replace some of the my Faithful UPA government spent a decade carrying out a global tender and shortlisting the French Rafale as the chosen platform for the 126 Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) programme. In the next 11 years, the NDA government under Narendra Modi cancelled the MMRCA tender; made emergency procurement of two squadrons of Rafale combat jets and announced the Multi Role Fighter Aircraft (MRFA) programme to buy 114 fighter jets, but the programme has not moved much beyond the initial and the US have offered India the expensive fifth-generation fighter aircraft, like the Su-57 and the F-35, respectively. Defence Secretary R K Singh, however, said that no formal consultation was going on with any of them, as New Delhi was keen to develop its own fifth-generation Advanced Medium Combat the IAF will fight with 'whatever we have', Air Chief Marshal A P Singh said, amid the humming and hawing.

Kargil Vijay Diwas: Did you know THIS national award-winning Bollywood actor served in Indian Army during Kargil War?
Kargil Vijay Diwas: Did you know THIS national award-winning Bollywood actor served in Indian Army during Kargil War?

Time of India

time26-07-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Time of India

Kargil Vijay Diwas: Did you know THIS national award-winning Bollywood actor served in Indian Army during Kargil War?

As India celebrates Kargil Vijay Diwas , honouring the brave soldiers who fought in the 1999 Kargil War , one name from the world of films shines in a different light, Nana Patekar . Known for his intense roles and award-winning performances, the veteran actor did something truly remarkable. He left the comfort of film sets and joined the Indian Army during the war, putting his life on the line alongside real soldiers. Not a typical Bollywood-style hero Vishwanath Patekar, famously known as Nana Patekar, is one of the finest actors in Hindi and Marathi cinema. Born in 1951, Nana made his film debut in 'Gaman' in 1978. In the years that followed, he won hearts with films like 'Parinda', 'Prahaar', 'Angaar', 'Salaam Bombay', and 'Tirangaa'. He may not have looked like the usual Bollywood hero, but his power-packed performances spoke louder than anything else. A huge name in the 90s, Nana is also a three-time National Award winner. He trained with real-life soldiers While shooting 'Prahaar', Nana went through serious military training. As reported by BollywoodShaadis, he trained with the Maratha Light Infantry for three years. This wasn't just for the cameras—it left a strong impact on him. When the Kargil War broke out in 1999, Nana didn't just cheer from the sidelines. He wanted to join the Army and serve the nation for real. But his wish was met with hesitation by military officials. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Abandoned houses for sale near you at affordable prices abandoned houses Learn More Undo Officials refused his request at first At first, the army officials didn't agree with his request. Nana wasn't ready to give up so easily. He even mentioned his national-level shooting experience, hoping it would help, but still, nothing moved forward. Nana reached out to George Fernandes When he was told only the Defence Ministry could approve his request, Nana went straight to the top. He contacted the then Defence Minister, George Fernandes. During his appearance on 'Kaun Banega Crorepati', Nana shared: 'I knew our Defence Minister George Fernandes ji, so I called him. Even he said it is impossible. I told him that even though the training for commission is six months, I trained for three years. He was surprised and asked me about it. After learning of my experience with the Maratha Light Infantry, he asked me, 'When do you want to go?'' Nana patrolled in conflict-hit zones In August 1999, Nana officially joined the Army as an honorary captain. His dream had come true. Wearing the Indian Army uniform with pride, he was posted in some of the most dangerous areas during the war—Dras, Kupwara, Baramulla, Sopore, and Mughalpura. He did everything that the other soldiers did. He patrolled the Line of Control , stood guard, and even helped out in military hospitals. Nana didn't just visit the camps for photos—he lived like a soldier. Lost 20 kg while on duty Life at the border was not easy. Nana was part of the Quick Response Team (QRT) and saw the war up close. Speaking to The Lallantop, Nana said: 'I was 76 kg when I reached Srinagar. By the time I came back, I was 56 kg.' He lost 20 kg during his time at the front. But instead of complaining, he felt proud to have stood with India's brave soldiers in a real war zone. Returned to acting with more power Once his service ended, Nana returned to films. His passion for acting never faded, but now, he had a new layer of experience and pride. He gave back-to-back strong performances and continued to impress audiences with his honest and powerful screen presence.

'Those Who Imposed Emergency...': PM Modi's Scathing Attack On Congress In 'Mann Ki Baat'
'Those Who Imposed Emergency...': PM Modi's Scathing Attack On Congress In 'Mann Ki Baat'

Time of India

time29-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Time of India

'Those Who Imposed Emergency...': PM Modi's Scathing Attack On Congress In 'Mann Ki Baat'

/ Jun 29, 2025, 01:46PM IST In the 123rd episode of 'Mann Ki Baat', Prime Minister Narendra Modi took a dig at the Congress, saying those who imposed the Emergency aimed to suppress democracy and control the judiciary. He recalled the hardships faced during the 21-month period, including the arrest of George Fernandes and suppression of student voices. Modi praised the courage of Indians who resisted oppression. He played speeches by Morarji Desai, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and Jagjivan Ram to highlight the era. Marking 50 years since the Emergency, he said it was commemorated as 'Samvidhan Hatya Diwas' to honor those who stood for democracy.#pmmodi #mannkibaat #emergency1975 #democracy #samvidhanhatyadiwas #georgefernandes #misa #indianpolitics #emergency #constitutionofindia #vajpayee #morarjidesai #jagjivanram #indiraGandhi #congress #bjp #toi #timesofindia #toibharat

50 years of Emergency: How George Fernandes' arrest in Lucknow ignited railway strike; united fractured opposition against Indira Gandhi's govt
50 years of Emergency: How George Fernandes' arrest in Lucknow ignited railway strike; united fractured opposition against Indira Gandhi's govt

Time of India

time29-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Time of India

50 years of Emergency: How George Fernandes' arrest in Lucknow ignited railway strike; united fractured opposition against Indira Gandhi's govt

As the country observes 50th anniversary of Emergency, Arvind Chauhan finds out how an arrest in Lucknow led to a movement, and to curb it, the then PM suspended civil rights and cracked downed on the opposition May 2, 1974. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now It was well past midnight. After a hectic day at Labour Day celebrations, George Fernandes, a 44-year-old charismatic and fiery socialist leader, was about to retire for the day at Lucknow's Charbagh railway station retiring room. He had a late dinner and his last request to the volunteers attending to him was a glass of hot milk. A young railway apprentice, Shiva Gopal Mishra, 23, promptly delivered it to Fernandes, who had just been elected president of the All India Railwaymen's Federation (AIRF). 'I had no inkling what was going to happen moments later,' Mishra now recalls. As the clock struck 2 am, there was a frantic knock on Fernandes' door. Still trying to sleep, as he opened the door, the unwanted guests swooped down on him. It was a team from Delhi Police. Fernandes was under arrest. This arrest went on to ignite one of the most significant labour movements in the history of India — the nationwide railway strike of 1974. Mishra, now 74, who is the general secretary of AIRF, vividly recounts that night, a memory etched in his mind from his long career with Indian Railways, from which he retired in 2010. His story aligns seamlessly with Rahul Ramagundam's biography, 'The Life and Times of George Fernandes', which recounts the chain of events with striking clarity. According to Ramagundam, the Delhi police team escorted Fernandes from his first-floor retiring room to the Amausi airport, where a govt plane was waiting for them. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now He was transported to Delhi just after the break of dawn. Simultaneously, in Delhi, the driver of the then Union railway minister Lalit Narayan Mishra delivered a letter to Fernandes' wife, Leila, blaming Fernandes for the breakdown of negotiations — a move Fernandes later called a 'treacherous act'. The backdrop to this dramatic arrest was the AIRF's planned indefinite nationwide strike, proposed from May 8, 1974. The railway workers, under Fernandes, demanded better wages comparable to public sector employees, full trade union rights, reclassification of railway jobs, an eight-hour workday, adjustments in dearness allowance, bonuses, and shops to provide subsidized grain. These demands reflected the economic hardships faced by workers amid an oil crisis, rising inflation, and global economic depression. Fernandes, who was elected AIRF president in Oct 1973 at the federation's Secunderabad convention, had defeated Peter Alvares, a soft-spoken Goan freedom fighter, by securing 277 as compared to Alvares' 210 votes. At 43, Fernandes brought a new vigour to the union, galvanizing workers across the country. The arrest on May 2, however, accelerated the strike's momentum. The news of his arrest triggered spontaneous protests across India. By May 5, workers at railway centres from Gorakhpur to Guwahati and Mumbai abandoned their posts and took to the streets in processions. 'The arrest of George Fernandes cemented the opposition's unity against Indira Gandhi's regime,' says Ramagundam, an associate professor of history and culture at Jamia Millia Islamia. The strike, originally planned for May 8, erupted prematurely as workers rallied in solidarity with their leader. The arrest of this former parliamentarian was no small matter as it sparked outrage even among political opponents. Jan Sangh leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee moved a no-confidence motion in Parliament, while CPI leaders like Shripad Amrit Dange, who supported Indira Gandhi's govt, also criticized the arrest. From Tihar Jail, Fernandes penned letters to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and railway minister Lalit Narayan Mishra, urging them to address the workers' economic demands to avert the strike. 'You can still avert the catastrophe, if you wish. But if the idea is to have a trial of strength, then, this time, I hope, the railway men will not be found wanting in providing their mettle,' he wrote, as quoted in Ramagundam's biography. Both the govt and the unions were apprehensive of the economic fallout of a railway strike, as it could paralyze India's economy. The govt, citing the oil crisis and global recession, urged workers to call off the strike and help the govt stabilize the economy. The unions, led by Fernandes, sought a 'negotiated settlement' to address their grievances, warning that a prolonged strike would be catastrophic. Yet, despite shared concerns, the strike proceeded. The govt, alarmed that Fernandes' letters were reaching the press before their intended recipients, secured a court injunction barring him from interviews, telephone communication, or sending letters without clearance. Fernandes' leadership was remarkable not just for its intensity but for its reach. 'George captured the heart of the railway workers,' Ramagundam told TOI. 'He could connect with workers across the country, from small stations to factories producing railway equipment. He lowered himself from a former MP to a union leader, projecting the workers' demands with zeal and honesty.' Fernandes traveled tirelessly, addressing workers at far-flung stations and industrial units, embodying the spirit of socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia, who believed in fighting injustice regardless of time or place. The strike, deemed illegal by the govt, ended on May 28, 1974, after internal discord within the AIRF's action committee led to its withdrawal. Fernandes, however, faced further trials. During the Emergency, he was arrested again on June 10, 1976 for his alleged role in the Baroda Dynamite Case, an alleged plot to destabilize the govt. He remained in jail until March 22, 1977, when the Janata Party's victory secured his release. The legacy of George Fernandes as a maverick socialist endures. Later serving as defence minister in the Vajpayee govt, he remained a symbol of resistance and solidarity. 'His ability to unite railway workers in 1974, despite overwhelming odds, showcased his unique leadership — a blend of fiery oratory, grassroots connection, and unwavering commitment to workers' rights. The 1974 strike, though short-lived, left an indelible mark on India's labour movement, proving that even in the face of repression, the spirit of collective action could challenge the might of the state,' said Rahul Ramagundam. As Shiva Gopal Mishra reflects on that fateful night in Lucknow, he recalls not just the arrest but the man who inspired a generation of workers. His arrest may have sparked the strike, but it was his vision and courage that fueled its fire, making him a towering figure in India's struggle for workers' dignity.

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