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Epoch Times
4 days ago
- Politics
- Epoch Times
China's New Security White Paper: CCP's Blueprint for Control at Home and Abroad
Commentary China's new national security white paper reveals the sweeping plan of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to merge internal control with global ambition, framing ideology, sovereignty, and economic resilience as tools for reshaping the world order. Beijing has released a new white paper on national security, titled 'China's National Security in the New Era,' marking a major shift in the CCP's approach. While previous white papers focused narrowly on military and defense, this new report presents a sweeping framework that redefines national security as the foundation of all state policy. It formalizes Chinese leader Xi Jinping's doctrine as a central pillar of governance, guiding both domestic priorities and foreign strategy. The paper presents a broad vision of security that extends beyond traditional defense to encompass political stability, economic development, technological self-reliance, and control of emerging domains. Central to this vision is the concept of 'holistic security,' which combines conventional priorities such as sovereignty and military readiness with next-generation concepts, including cyberspace, artificial intelligence, biotechnology, public health, and food system resiliency. The CCP frames political security as the 'lifeline' of national security, asserting that internal and external threats must be addressed together to preserve regime stability and economic continuity. The paper underscores the Party's insistence on ideological conformity and its intolerance of dissent, calling for political control across all areas of governance. It advocates early threat detection through Party networks embedded in institutions and strict regulation of public discourse, especially online. The white paper promotes China's Global Security Initiative (GSI) as a counterweight to Western-led security frameworks. Introduced by Xi in 2023, the GSI lays out Beijing's vision for reshaping global security governance, rejecting what it calls Cold War mentality, unilateralism, and bloc politics. Related Stories 4/1/2025 12/17/2024 While the CCP accuses the United States of forming divisive blocs, it presents its own initiatives—including the Belt and Road (BRI, also known as One Belt, One Road), BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and partnerships with ostracized countries such as Russia, Iran, and North Korea—as inclusive efforts that promote what it calls multilateralism and global equity under a rules-based international order. The paper places special emphasis on emerging security domains, including cybersecurity, outer space, maritime rights, and the protection of overseas infrastructure tied to Belt and Road projects. It also identifies national grain reserves, seed technology, and energy diversification as strategic priorities for reducing reliance on foreign supply chains. Beijing pledges to strengthen its risk management systems to guard against external threats, such as economic sanctions—measures clearly aimed at the United States. Xi is positioning the Chinese economy to endure a prolonged trade conflict with the Trump administration and has drawn lessons from the sanctions imposed on Russia over Ukraine, preparing China to withstand similar pressure should it invade Taiwan. For Washington, the document signals Beijing's deepening commitment to authoritarian governance and its resolve to challenge U.S. influence, particularly in the Indo–Pacific. The emphasis on sovereignty and ideology foreshadows more aggressive diplomacy, continued These concerns were echoed in recent testimony before Congress by retired U.S. Army Gen. Charles Flynn, who warned that a Chinese invasion of Taiwan is 'no longer distant or theoretical.' Viewing Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te as a disruptive force pushing the island toward formal independence, Beijing has intensified its pressure campaign. The CCP has launched unprecedented military exercises around Taiwan, including large-scale naval and air operations simulating blockades and rapid-force deployments. These drills now occur with little or no warning and involve the Chinese navy, air force, coast guard, and maritime militia, reflecting preparation for a range of contingencies, U.S. partners in Southeast Asia, especially the Philippines and Vietnam, should expect ongoing friction in the South China Sea. The white paper defines the CCP's maritime claims as a core national security issue, asserting Beijing's right to defend what it views as sovereign territory, regardless of international rulings. This position is reinforced by the Foreign Relations Law (2023), which codifies the CCP's control over foreign policy and permits countermeasures against actions deemed harmful to the Chinese regime's sovereignty or development. Under Beijing's doctrine of lawfare, even military seizures of disputed territory are framed as acts of self-defense, as the regime views regions like the South China Sea and Taiwan as integral parts of the Chinese homeland. Ultimately, the CCP's new white paper lays out a security framework that is expansive, ideological, and authoritarian. Its release formalizes the idea that communist China's global rise is inseparable from the Party's domestic grip on power and its ambition to shape a new world order led by Beijing. Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
Economic Times
23-05-2025
- Business
- Economic Times
China jumps to act as a peacemaker between Pakistan & Afghanistan to safeguard its interests in Af-Pak region
China has jumped to act as a peacemaker between Pakistan and > Afghanistan to safeguard its interests in the Af-Pak region and adjoining Central Asia amid India's growing engagement with Taliban and focus on Chabahar meeting in Beijing between three sides was also necessitated by deteriorating ties between Pakistan and Afghanistan. China, therefore, moved swiftly to organise a meeting between Islamabad and Kabul, explained persons familiar with the matter. At the informal meeting, moderated by China's foreign minister Wang Yi, both Pakistan and Afghanistan have agreed "in principle" to send ambassadors to each other's country as soon as possible. They also expressed their willingness to upgrade the level of diplomatic ties, a statement by China's foreign ministry has Beijing's efforts may not yield desired success given Taliban's interest to expand ties with India across spheres. 'China's efforts to cobble up relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan is in step with its recent initiatives including Global Security Initiative and Good neighbourliness policies. However, like its deal bringing Saudi Arabia and Iran, the current round includes balancing regional powers like Israel and India and enhance Beijing's hold over these countries,' according to Prof Srikanth Kondapalli, an expert on China from JNU. 'Saudi-Iran deal did not result in any spectacular developments in the Middle East. Likewise, bringing Afghanistan and Pakistan together is unlikely to resolve the structural problems in South Asia. Till China desists from supporting terrorism, its efforts to bring together these two nations will not yield positive results,' Kondapalli told Pakistan and Afghanistan on Wednesday agreed to expand the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan during an informal trilateral meeting in Beijing. This has been driven by India's connectivity initiatives – Chabahar Port and INSTC and its impact on CPEC that is now increasingly being observed as an asset acquisition initiative instead of delivering global goods.
Time of India
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
China jumps to act as a peacemaker between Pakistan & Afghanistan to safeguard its interests in Af-Pak region
China has jumped to act as a peacemaker between Pakistan and > Afghanistan to safeguard its interests in the Af-Pak region and adjoining Central Asia amid India's growing engagement with Taliban and focus on Chabahar Port . Wednesday's meeting in Beijing between three sides was also necessitated by deteriorating ties between Pakistan and Afghanistan. China, therefore, moved swiftly to organise a meeting between Islamabad and Kabul, explained persons familiar with the matter. At the informal meeting, moderated by China's foreign minister Wang Yi , both Pakistan and Afghanistan have agreed "in principle" to send ambassadors to each other's country as soon as possible. They also expressed their willingness to upgrade the level of diplomatic ties, a statement by China's foreign ministry has said. Play Video Pause Skip Backward Skip Forward Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration 0:00 Loaded : 0% 0:00 Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 1x Playback Rate Chapters Chapters Descriptions descriptions off , selected Captions captions settings , opens captions settings dialog captions off , selected Audio Track default , selected Picture-in-Picture Fullscreen This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Opaque Semi-Transparent Text Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Caption Area Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Drop shadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. However, Beijing's efforts may not yield desired success given Taliban's interest to expand ties with India across spheres. 'China's efforts to cobble up relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan is in step with its recent initiatives including Global Security Initiative and Good neighbourliness policies . However, like its deal bringing Saudi Arabia and Iran, the current round includes balancing regional powers like Israel and India and enhance Beijing's hold over these countries,' according to Prof Srikanth Kondapalli, an expert on China from JNU. Live Events 'Saudi-Iran deal did not result in any spectacular developments in the Middle East. Likewise, bringing Afghanistan and Pakistan together is unlikely to resolve the structural problems in South Asia. Till China desists from supporting terrorism, its efforts to bring together these two nations will not yield positive results,' Kondapalli told ET. China, Pakistan and Afghanistan on Wednesday agreed to expand the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan during an informal trilateral meeting in Beijing. This has been driven by India's connectivity initiatives – Chabahar Port and INSTC and its impact on CPEC that is now increasingly being observed as an asset acquisition initiative instead of delivering global goods.
Time of India
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
China's national security: White Paper on CCP longevity amidst 'volatile' geopolitical landscape
Representative image. NEW DELHI: China's state council information office on Thursday issued a Chinese-language white paper outlining the country's security direction. In this National Security in the New Era document, Beijing characterises the present geopolitical landscape as "volatile and stable". However, the document's primary focus appears to be ensuring the Chinese Communist Party's ( CCP ) continuity and stability. The document's release, whilst planned for months, occurs during a period of increased regional and global uncertainty caused by President Donald Trump's unpredictable actions. The state council's claim that the paper "represents a major theoretical contribution from contemporary China to the global community" appears to be an overstatement. This white paper holds significance as China's inaugural national security document. The state council said, "The move aims to provide a comprehensive explanation of the innovative concepts, practices and achievements in China's national security efforts, and enhance the international community's understanding of China's national security." Whilst Beijing positions itself as a stabilising force in Asia-Pacific, the sections addressing sovereignty, systemic risk management and ideological resilience indicate that China's national security primarily concerns CCP survival and ideology. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 5 Books Warren Buffett Wants You to Read In 2025 Blinkist: Warren Buffett's Reading List Undo Its comprehensive security approach encompasses various sectors including politics, economy, military, science and technology, and society, all under CCP control. This extends to emerging areas such as cyberspace, artificial intelligence, biosecurity and public health. The document claims "people's security" as its ultimate objective. However, the People's Republic of China has historically prioritised CCP prominence over public interests. This becomes evident when the document identifies political security as "the fundamental task". The CCP further states that national security "firmly fulfills the major responsibilities entrusted by the party and the people, upholds the party's position as the governing party and the socialist system, improves the people's sense of fulfillment, happiness and security. .." The document has a preface, six sections and a conclusion. Giving an idea of the contents, the six chapters cover the following topics: China injecting certainty and stability into the world of change and disorder; the holistic approach to national security guiding national security efforts in the new era; providing solid support for the steady and continued progress of Chinese modernization; reinforcing security in development and pursuing development in security; implementing the Global Security Initiative and promoting the common security of the world; and advancing the modernization of the national security system and capacity through deepening reforms. It is unclear how national security "supports further expansion of high-level opening up," for China is now more closed under Xi, nor how it "operates under the rule of law," as asserted in the white paper. Yes, China has recently introduced new laws covering cybersecurity, data protection and counterterrorism, for example, but China uses laws to assert control over the population. This is rule "by" the law, not the rule "of" law. Mathieu Duchatel, resident senior fellow and director of international studies of the French-based Institut Montaigne think-tank, highlighted four key concepts contained within the National Security in the New Era White Paper. The first is the centrality of Chairman Xi Jinping 's comprehensive national security concept, which he first aired in April 2014. Its sweeping scope covers politics, military, territory, economy, finance, culture, society, science and technology, cyberspace, food, ecology, resources, nuclear issues, overseas interests, outer space, deep sea, polar regions, biology, AI and data. A second concept is the elevation of political security as the lifeline of national security in the new era. In other words, the CCP system must be preserved at all costs. Thirdly, Duchatel highlights the framing of national security policy as support for Chinese-style modernization. For instance, it lists a homicide rate of 0.44 per 100,000, which suggests China is the third-safest nation in the world. Although China trumpets its crime rate and social harmony as evidence of effective governance, it better reflects the tight controls implemented in an Orwellian police state where dissent is strictly outlawed. The fourth concept, according to Duchatel, is the search for balance between national security goals and development. If higher-level development of the nation is to occur, greater national security is required, or so the CCP's argument goes. It thus sees high-quality development and high-level security as two sides of the same coin. One cannot exist without the other, and so economic resilience is integral to national stability. China is also prioritizing technological self-reliance to protect itself and minimize exposure to foreign sanctions or disruptions to global supply chains. The white paper harks back to China's 5,000-year history, which endowed the "Chinese nation with a profound and rich strategic culture on national security". This is supposed to legitimize Xi's comprehensive national security concept, and to suggest his continuity as though he is building on past foundations. In fact, much of this white paper is the CCP asserting the moral high ground. As Trump turns his back on longstanding American and human principles, Duchatel stated, "In this context, China can be expected to achieve some soft-power gains, even though its actual behavior does not always align with its policy statements, and sometimes contradicts them." China majors on its responsible position in world affairs in this report. Its Global Security Initiative (GSI), proposed by Xi in 2022, imagines "building a community with a shared future for humanity, and brings a global outlook to the holistic approach to national security". The GSI trumpets shared security and multilateralism, whilst opposing bloc confrontations. In other words, the GSI seeks to set up China as the lead security partner as an alternative to Western blocs. From this position, China can dominate others. The white paper stated, "China ensures both its own security and common security, advocates strengthening global security governance, practices the global governance concept of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits, upholds true multilateralism, and works to make global security governance system fairer and more equitable." However, Chinese national security will always be at odds with the security of other nations, and the GSI does not provide solutions to this conundrum for an authoritarian regime, despite the flowery words. Experience has proven that China prefers coercive actions when it feels threatened. China declares its sovereignty, territorial integrity, and development interests are non-negotiable, especially when it comes to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet and maritime rights. The paper asserts the CCP's "sincerity" in pursuing peaceful unification of Taiwan, and Duchatel commented that the paper's tone "clearly favors United Front tactics over military coercion. There is no indication that Beijing is losing patience. " The fear is that China's "national security" efforts will simply tighten controls over home territory, as well as expanding its power and influence overseas. After all, whenever China exerts its power over others, it can claim it is simply exercising reasonable national security. As another example of the paradoxes contained in this white paper, the document promotes a political settlement of the Ukraine crisis, despite China steadfastly supporting Vladimir Putin 's invasion. Duchatel noted, "While China has acted as a critical enabler of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the document portrays a posture of benevolent neutrality, repeating, for instance, the line that 'the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries should be respected'. The disconnect between narrative and policy remains a major weakness of China's foreign policy, even though many countries are blind to it, for different reasons, such as anti-American ideology, whataboutism or lack of expertise on China. " The same paradox could be applied to China's treatment of India and Pakistan. Although it paid lip service by condemning the Pahalgam terrorist attack, it arms and supports Pakistan, with its weapons being used in a short but sharp cross-border clash. Ryan Hass, an American foreign policy analyst who serves as director of the Brookings Institution's John L. Thornton China Center, recently spent ten days traveling in China. Some of his observations reinforced what the white paper implies. Hass noted: "I feel China's plan for the US-China trade war is coming into focus around three central planks: maintain composure and resolve; avoid being isolated; hit America where it hurts. " Concerning the first point of maintaining composure, he elaborated that the Chinese leadership is presenting itself as calm and confident, yet also conditioning the Chinese public for economic turbulence. This involves diverting the populace's frustration towards the USA as the source of their problems, and stoking nationalism by invoking China's history of holding firm against external is working hard to avoid being isolated, including finding common causes with Asian and other nations. As Hass concluded, "PRC leaders don't expect near-term resolution to the trade war. They view it as a symptom of a broader US strategy to suppress China's rise. They believe PRC concessions now would only invite further US pressure. They're treating the moment as strategic challenge, not an economic crisis." Hass claimed, "Rightly or not, Beijing believes its political system is more unified, hardened and disciplined than the US government to withstand trade war pressure. They're signaling they will hold firm and wait for Trump to shift course." This is the same kind of message that this national security white paper was trying to make - China is presenting a facade of confidence, and turning whole-of-society issues into matters of national security. With ANI input
India Gazette
22-05-2025
- Politics
- India Gazette
China's new national security, White paper reveals paranoia
Hong Kong, May 22 (ANI): On May 12, China's State Council Information Office released a Chinese-language white paper discussing the nation's security direction. In this National Security in the New Era document, Beijing describes the current geopolitical scene as 'volatile and stable'. However, reading between the lines, what it cares about most is the stability and longevity of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Although this document must have been in the making for months, its release coincides with heightened regional and global uncertainty due to the unpredictability of President Donald Trump. However, the State Council's assertion that the paper 'represents a major theoretical contribution from contemporary China to the global community' is best seen as a hubristic exaggeration. Nonetheless, the white paper is important since it is China's first such national security document. As the State Council explained, 'The move aims to provide a comprehensive explanation of the innovative concepts, practices and achievements in China's national security efforts, and enhance the international community's understanding of China's national security.' However, if the white paper was designed to reassure, then it failed. Beijing is attempting to paint itself as a source of stability in Asia-Pacific, but the white paper's sections on sovereignty, systemic risk management and ideological resilience show that China's national security is more about the survival of the CCP and its ideology. Its concept of holistic security encompasses diverse domains like politics, the economy, military, science and technology, and societal domains, all of which fall under the direct authority of the CCP. The concept also spans nontraditional threats such as cyberspace, artificial intelligence, biosecurity and public health. Interestingly, it claims the 'people's security' is the ultimate goal. Yet the People's Republic of China has never been about the people,instead, it exists to glorify and solidify the preeminence of the CCP. This is confirmed when the document states political security is 'the fundamental task'. Furthermore, the CCP organ said national security 'firmly fulfills the major responsibilities entrusted by the party and the people, upholds the party's position as the governing party and the socialist system, improves the people's sense of fulfillment, happiness and security...'The document has a preface, six sections and a conclusion. Giving an idea of the contents, the six chapters cover the following topics: China injecting certainty and stability into the world of change and disorder; the holistic approach to national security guiding national security efforts in the new era; providing solid support for the steady and continued progress of Chinese modernization; reinforcing security in development and pursuing development in security; implementing the Global Security Initiative and promoting the common security of the world; and advancing the modernization of the national security system and capacity through deepening reforms. It is unclear how national security 'supports further expansion of high-level opening up,' for China is now more closed under Xi, nor how it 'operates under the rule of law,' as asserted in the white paper. Yes, China has recently introduced new laws covering cybersecurity, data protection and counterterrorism, for example, but China uses laws to assert control over the population. This is rule 'by' the law, not the rule'of' law. Mathieu Duchatel, Resident Senior Fellow and Director of International Studies of the French-based Institut Montaigne think-tank, highlighted four key concepts contained within the National Security in the New Era White Paper. The first is the centrality of Chairman Xi Jinping's comprehensive national security concept, which he first aired in April 2014. Its sweeping scope covers politics, military, territory, economy, finance, culture, society, science and technology, cyberspace, food, ecology, resources, nuclear issues, overseas interests, outer space,deep sea, polar regions, biology, AI and data. A second concept is the elevation of political security as the lifeline of national security in the new era. In other words, the CCP system must be preserved at all costs. Thirdly, Duchatel highlights the framing of national security policy as support for Chinese-style modernization. For instance, it lists a homicide rate of 0.44 per 100,000, which suggests China is the third-safest nation in the world. Although China trumpets its crime rate and social harmony as evidence of effective governance, it better reflects the tight controls implemented in an Orwellian police state where dissent is strictly outlawed. The fourth concept, according to Duchatel, is the search for balance between national security goals and development. If higher-level development of the nation is to occur, greater national security is required, or so the CCP's argument goes. It thus sees high-quality development and high-level security as two sides of the same coin. One cannot exist without the other, and so economic resilience is integral to national stability. China is also prioritizing technological self-reliance to protect itself and minimize exposure to foreign sanctions or disruptions to global supply chains. The white paper harks back to China's 5,000-year history, which endowed the 'Chinese nation with a profound and rich strategic culture on national security'. This is supposed to legitimize Xi's comprehensive national security concept, and to suggest his continuity as though he is building on past foundations. In fact, much of this white paper is the CCP asserting the moral high ground. As Trump turns his back on longstanding American and human principles, Duchatel stated, 'In this context, China can be expected to achieve some soft-power gains, even though its actual behavior does not always align with its policy statements, and sometimes contradicts them.' China majors on its responsible position in world affairs in this report. Its Global Security Initiative (GSI), proposed by Xi in 2022, imagines 'building a community with a shared future for humanity, and brings a global outlook to the holistic approach to national security'. The GSI trumpets shared security and multilateralism, whilst opposing bloc confrontations. In other words, the GSI seeks to set up China as the lead security partner as an alternative to Western blocs. From this position, China can dominate others. The white paper stated, 'China ensures both its own security and common security, advocates strengthening global security governance, practices the global governance concept of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits, upholds true multilateralism, and works to make global security governance system fairer and more equitable.' However, Chinese national security will always be at odds with the security of other nations, and the GSI does not provide solutions to this conundrum for an authoritarian regime, despite the flowery words. Experience has proven that China prefers coercive actions when it feels threatened. China declares its sovereignty, territorial integrity, and development interests are non-negotiable, especially when it comes to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet and maritime rights. The paper asserts the CCP's 'sincerity' in pursuing peaceful unification of Taiwan, and Duchatel commented that the paper's tone 'clearly favors United Front tactics over military coercion. There is no indication that Beijing is losing patience.' The fear is that China's 'national security' efforts will simply tighten controls over home territory, as well as expanding its power and influence overseas. After all, whenever China exerts its power over others, it can claim it is simply exercising reasonable national security. As another example of the paradoxes contained in this white paper, the document promotes a political settlement of the Ukraine crisis, despite China steadfastly supporting Vladimir Putin's invasion. Duchatel noted, 'While China has acted as a critical enabler of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the document portrays a posture ofbenevolent neutrality, repeating, for instance, the line that 'the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries should be respected'. The disconnect between narrative and policy remains a major weakness of China's foreign policy, even though many countries are blind to it, for different reasons, such as anti-American ideology, whataboutism or lack of expertise on China.' The same paradox could be applied to China's treatment of India and Pakistan. Although it paid lip service by condemning the Pahalgam terrorist attack, it arms and supports Pakistan, with its weapons being used in a short but sharp cross-border clash. Ryan Hass, an American foreign policy analyst who serves as director of the Brookings Institution's John L. Thornton China Center, recently spent ten days traveling in China. Some of his observations reinforced what the white paper implies. Hass noted: 'I feel China's plan for the US-China trade war is coming into focus around three central planks: maintain composure and resolve; avoid being isolated; hit America where it hurts.' Concerning the first point of maintaining composure, he elaborated that the Chinese leadership is presenting itself as calm and confident, yet also conditioning the Chinese public for economic turbulence. This involves diverting the populace's frustration towards the USA as the source of their problems, and stoking nationalism by invoking China's history of holding firm against external is working hard to avoid being isolated, including finding common causes with Asian and other nations. As Hass concluded, 'PRC leaders don't expect near-term resolution to the trade war. They view it as a symptom of a broader US strategy to suppress China's rise. They believe PRC concessions now would only invite further US pressure. They're treating the moment as strategic challenge, not an economic crisis.' Hass claimed, 'Rightly or not, Beijing believes its political system is more unified, hardened and disciplined than the US government to withstand trade war pressure. They're signaling they will hold firm and wait for Trump to shift course.' This is the same kind of message that this national security white paper was trying to make - China is presenting a facade of confidence, and turning whole-of-society issues intomatters of national security. (ANI)
