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The Hindu
31-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Bamboo and kendu power to the people
Tucked away in the hills of Kalahandi in western Odisha, the tiny village of Palki is so remote that it is barely a dot on the map. With just 57 tribal households and no proper road or public transport, reaching Palki is a challenge. Here, no one has studied beyond class 8, and generations here have grown up in hardship. Making ends meet was a daily struggle. Over the past couple of years though, something has changed. Palki is now flushed with a community fund of ₹8 lakh. Alok Majhi, 27, the barely-schooled secretary of the Palki Gram Sabha, is looking for a teacher to tutor school-going children during the summer vacation, offering a monthly remuneration of ₹6,000, unthinkable just a few years ago. Two years ago, the villagers had struck a direct deal with a trader from Maharashtra, earning ₹26 lakh for two years of bamboo supply. Palki's transformation began when its people decided to take charge of forest resources — especially bamboo and kendu (used in bidis) — under the rights granted to them by the Forest Rights Act, 2006. The earlier system entailed government intermediaries that would regulate prices. Now, the village is writing its own story of change. Forty kilometres from Palki, and not as remote, Pipadi is another village nestled in Kalahandi's forested belt, that stretches across over 2,500 km. A paramilitary camp has just sprung up on its outskirts, reportedly to curb the movement of Maoist extremists. Between government and Naxal forces, Pipadi, with just 45 households, manages 4,300 acres of forestland on its own terms. For the past five years, Pipadi has been selling bamboo worth ₹5-7 lakh annually. It even issues its own transit passes for truckloads of bamboo headed to Telangana, an act of local governance rarely seen in such remote pockets. This stand is echoing across 100 villages in Kalahandi. Elsewhere too — though not yet as organised as in Kalahandi — forest dwellers in Nayagarh, Kandhamal, Koraput, Malkangiri, Rayagada, and Mayurbhanj districts of Odisha are beginning to assert their rights over forest resources, challenging barriers long imposed by the Forest Department. In early May 2025, forest dwellers blocked National Highway 26 at Ampani in Kalahandi district after the Forest Department stopped movement of two kendu-leaf-laden trucks permitted by Borapadar and Pipalchhapar Gram Sabhas. Angered that the government had allegedly dishonoured the transit pass issued by the Gram Sabhas, Koksara Block Level Gram Sabha Federation registered a complaint with the local police. The first information report stated that the Forest Department had violated Section 3(1)(c) of the Forest Right Act (FRA), which confers ownership rights over forest produce like kendu leaf and bamboo to forest-dwelling Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (OTFDs). The agitation led by tribal women and men forced the Forest Department into issuing an assurance that they would not obstruct movement of non-timber forest products (NTFPs). Timber is still controlled by the government. The Forest Rights Amendment Rules, 2012, state that transit permits for transportation of minor forest produce (MFP) such as bamboo and kendu leaves, are to be issued by a committee constituted by the Gram Sabha or a person authorised by the Gram Sabha. Palki has been selling bamboo between ₹30 and ₹40 per piece, taking into account the present and future. 'We have divided the forest managed by the Gram Sabha into four sections,' explains Alok, the Palki Gram Sabha secretary. 'We harvest bamboo from only one section each year, returning to the same section after four years. This allows for soil regeneration and prevents overexploitation.' One-third of the revenue goes directly to the bamboo cutters, who are villagers themselves. The remaining two-thirds is considered Gram Sabha profit, of which 50% is reinvested in forest development, 30% goes into a village fund, 10% covers village management costs, and 5% each is allocated to the block and district-level federations, he says. This year alone, Palki spent ₹2.5 lakh on bamboo regeneration and densification, using soil enrichment techniques at the root level. The effort created 635 labour days, 400 of which involved women workers, each paid ₹300 per day. This has stopped people in Palki from emigrating outside the State to work in the construction sector, say villagers, despite the fact that the minimum wage in Odisha for even unskilled work is ₹462 per day. Women working on bamboo bushes in the forests of Kalahandi district. Around 2,000 villagers work as bamboo cutters across 100 villages in the district. | Photo Credit: BISWARANJAN ROUT Today, around 9,000 women are engaged in kendu leaf plucking and 2,000 people work as bamboo cutters across 100 villages in Kalahandi. Their income helps them educate children, construct houses, and pay for weddings. Block- and district-level federations serve as mediators in resolving conflicts, especially those arising from disputes over forest boundaries. These federations help unify Gram Sabhas and step in when there is a need to confront the Forest Department or trader associations that create obstacles. Besides, continuous capacity building of villagers takes place out of the fund deposited with Gram Sabha, says Dasarathi Behera, advisor to the Kalahandi District Gram Sabha Federation. 'What better revenue model could a village with rich minor forest produce adopt?' says Dasarathi. 'Since the conferment of Community Forest Rights, tribal villagers have come to see the forest as their most dependable source of livelihood. This realisation has fostered sustainable forest management and improved conservation efforts.' Villagers must apply for these Community Forest Rights, which the government then grants. According to Geetanjoy Sahu, a professor at the Centre for Climate Change and Sustainability Studies, School of Habitat Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai, rights for forest dwellers on forest resources should be seen in three phases. Before colonial rule in India, forest-dwelling communities across the country, including in Odisha, exercised traditional rights over forest resources. They followed customary norms of harvesting forest produce, practised shifting cultivation, and even hunted for food. This changed with the advent of colonialism. The British sought to appropriate forest resources for their own interests, introducing laws like the Indian Forest Act, 1927, and the Land Acquisition Act, 1894. Post-independence, the Indian state retained colonial-era laws, with the justification that it would look after tribal welfare. The Forest Department was given authority to regulate and monitor forest use. Even access to minor forest produce was government-controlled, and communities were burdened with layers of regulation. 'Between 1947 and till the enactment of the FRA in 2006, tribal rights were repeatedly promised but rarely fulfilled. In many regions, communities were displaced without proper compensation or recognition of their rights,' says Sahu. He says that the turning point came with the Forest Rights Act, 2006, which recognised the rights of forest communities over minor forest produce, granting them ownership, access, and the freedom to sell it. 'They can choose where, to who, and at what price to sell. Maharashtra was the first to implement this in Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) regions, later expanding to non-PESA areas. Other States, including Odisha, were slower to act. Odisha's implementation began primarily in parts of Kalahandi district and remains limited,' he says. Tushar Dash, Director of Vasundhara, a non-government organisation dealing with implementation of FRA, says, 'The sale and trade of minor forest produce must be fully left to the discretion of forest villagers. They should have the autonomy to negotiate with traders or opt to sell through the Forest Department, depending on who offers a better price.' Y. Giri Rao, a consultant on FRA implementation to governments, agrees. 'There is ample evidence that when Gram Sabhas manage forests, they do so more effectively,' he says. 'Where communities have control, forest growth has flourished, fires are better managed, illegal logging has reduced, and the timber mafia has been kept out,' says Rao. Across Odisha, the struggle for ownership over forest resources is marked by confrontations between forest-dwelling communities and the Forest Department. Nearly every Gram Sabha has its own story of resistance and assertion. Although the FRA came into effect in 2006, it wasn't until seven years later — after the intervention by then Union Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh — that forest dwellers began to assert their rights. On March 3, 2013, the residents of Jamguda village in Kalahandi district were officially granted the right to sell minor forest produce. Ramesh had handed over the transit passbook to Union Tribal Affairs Minister V. Kishore Chandra Deo and Odisha Revenue Minister (late) Surya Narayan Patro. Bhakta Charan Das, then MP and now Odisha Pradesh Congress Committee President, became the first official buyer, purchasing a truckload of bamboo for ₹3,000. The momentum grew. By 2017, six Gram Panchayats in Kalahandi had entered into direct agreements with bidi manufacturers to supply kendu leaves. This move inspired a wave of Gram Sabhas across the region to exercise their rights under the FRA, reclaiming control over traditional forest resources. Now, eight Gram Sabhas in Koraput district have demanded the removal of restrictions on the collection and sale of kendu leaves. 'Kendu leaf is a vital source of income for Adivasi communities in Baipariguda block. Known as 'Green Gold', it generates much-needed cash for forest dwellers. But despite repeated appeals, the Forest Department has shown little interest in deregulating its trade,' says Bidyut Mohanty, a Koraput-based activist. Byasadev Majhi (right), secretary of the Kalahandi Gram Sabha Mahasangha, issuing a transit pass for kendu and bamboo trucks at Pipadi village. | Photo Credit: BISWARANJAN ROUT The government-owned Kendu Leaf Organisation of Odisha has been gradually easing restrictions on the trade. In 2013, the State allowed pluckers, self-help groups, and other community collectives to sell kendu leaves to buyers of their choice in Nabarangpur district. This was followed by deregulation notices in 2014, 2017, 2018, and 2021, each applying to specific villages, blocks, or districts. 'We are surprised that the Forest Department hasn't extended this freedom across Odisha. Why restrict the trade of minor forest produce when villagers are capable of making their own decisions?' Mohanty says. The Tribal Development Cooperative Corporation of Odisha Limited (TDCCOL), a State-run agency, oversees procurement and implements minimum support prices (MSP) for minor forest produce. Currently, 23 items — including seeds from the sal and mahua trees, lac, and honey — are covered under MSP. Byasadev Majhi, Secretary of the Kalahandi Gram Sabha Mahasangha, says, 'We don't dismiss the role of government agencies, but communities should have the autonomy to decide how and where to sell their produce. The State should step in only if traders collude to manipulate the market.' satyasundar.b@ Edited by Sunalini Mathew Published - May 31, 2025 10:39 pm IST
Hans India
28-05-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
Former Jharkhand CM Raghubar Das slams Soren govt for not implementing PESA Act
Ranchi: Former Jharkhand Chief Minister and senior BJP leader Raghubar Das on Wednesday criticised the Hemant Soren-led government for failing to implement the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), accusing it of depriving tribal communities of their constitutional right to self-governance. Addressing a press conference at the state BJP office in Ranchi, Das alleged that the JMM-Congress coalition was systematically undermining tribal culture and traditions. 'This government claims to be a well-wisher of tribals but has not implemented the PESA Act even after finalising the rules,' he said. The BJP leader recalled that the central government had enacted the PESA Act in 1996, mandating states to draft rules following local traditions and implement self-rule in Scheduled Areas. 'Most states have implemented PESA and empowered Gram Sabhas. In contrast, Jharkhand, despite having a tribal Chief Minister, is yet to do so,' he said. Das invoked the legacy of tribal freedom fighters, including Bhagwan Birsa Munda, Sido-Kanhu, Poto Ho, Budhu Bhagat, Phoolo-Jhano, and Tilka Manjhi, stating that they fought for 'Abua Raj' (self-rule). 'Ironically, a tribal Chief Minister is now obstructing the same vision,' he said. He added that the draft PESA rules were published years ago, and after extensive consultations and review, the Jharkhand Law Department gave its nod on March 22, 2024. 'Both the Supreme Court and High Court have upheld the Act under the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution,' he noted. 'Tribals across 112 blocks in 13 Scheduled Area districts are now asking when Gram Swaraj under PESA will be implemented. Who is stopping the government from restoring the traditional systems of Munda, Manki and Gram Pradhan?' he asked. Das alleged that Hemant Soren is under pressure from 'followers of foreign religions,' claiming their influence within the government is preventing implementation. 'PESA will curb their interference in tribal self-governance, which is why they oppose it,' he said, adding that several ministers and leaders in the ruling alliance were working against tribal interests. He further alleged that vested interests involved in illegal mining and trade in sand, stone, liquor and coal were also opposed to the Act. 'PESA would empower panchayats with control over minor minerals and sand ghats. The government has surrendered to the syndicate mafia. This is a betrayal of the Sarna tribal community,' he said. Former Union Minister of State Sudarshan Bhagat was also present at the press conference.
Hindustan Times
24-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
U.P. panchayat polls 2026: GO mandating villages' delimitation issued
The Uttar Pradesh government has initiated the process for the village panchayat elections scheduled for May next year by issuing a government order (GO) mandating the delimitation of village panchayats. This exercise has become necessary due to the merger of hundreds of villages into urban local bodies like nagar panchayats, municipal councils and municipal corporations since the last panchayat elections in 2021. Currently, there are around 58,000 village panchayats in the state, but the number is expected to decrease following the delimitation. 'We have issued the GO asking district magistrates to initiate the process for the delimitation of village panchayats, redrawing their boundaries in view changes in their status since the last panchayat elections,' principal secretary (panchayat) Anil Kumar told the HT. 'The existing number of village panchayats is expected to come down following the delimitation exercise,' he added. According to the GO issued on Friday, the reorganisation move stems from the fact that the creation and expansion of urban bodies have resulted in many revenue villages being absorbed into urban areas. This shift has left several village panchayats with reduced populations—some even falling below the required threshold of 1,000 residents—necessitating structural changes. The GO directs if a panchayat is left with a single revenue village that no longer qualifies independently, it will be merged with a nearby panchayat. However, if it still meets the eligibility criteria, it can be retained or reconstituted. Those partially affected panchayats that retain a population of around 1,000 will continue to function as before. The entire restructuring is being carried out under Sections 3 and 11(c) of the UP Panchayat Raj Act, 1947 (as amended in 1994), which governs the constitution of Gram Sabhas and the declaration of panchayat areas. A committee headed by the district magistrate has been constituted in each district to implement the exercise, with other key members including the chief development officer, additional chief officer (zila panchayat) and the district panchayati raj officer. 'District magistrates have been asked to submit finalised and approved proposals to the panchayati raj directorate by June 5, 2025. These must include comparative details of affected panchayats and certifications to ensure that no rural area remains outside the panchayat framework,' Kumar said.
India Gazette
20-05-2025
- Politics
- India Gazette
Jammu and Kashmir LG Manoj Sinha chairs meeting of unified command at Raj Bhawan
Srinagar (Jammu and Kashmir) [India], May 20 (ANI): Jammu and Kashmir Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha chaired a meeting of the unified command at the Raj Bhawan in Srinagar on Tuesday. Earlier on May 17, the LG on his visit to Kupwara took assessment of the damage caused due to the shelling by Pakistan. Sinha said, the administration is working on a comprehensive plan to seek centre's help to rehabilitate residents affected by Pakistan's shelling. At the border areas of the Tangdhar Sector, the Lieutenant Governor interacted with local residents and assured them of all assistance and support by the administration, as stated in a release. While reviewing the relief and rehabilitation measures taken by the administration, the Lieutenant Governor was briefed by Vijay Kumar Bidhuri, Divisional Commissioner Kashmir and Ayushi Sudan, Deputy Commissioner Kupwara about the ongoing appraisal of requirements and construction of bunkers through Gram Sabhas. The Lieutenant Governor directed the District Administration to expedite the construction of bunkers to ensure the safety of border residents, according to the release. 'Based on the administration's assessment, immediate assistance has been provided. But I think this help is not enough. Divisional Commissioner Kashmir and senior officers will jointly prepare a comprehensive plan for the damage caused and proper rehabilitation of the affected families. It is our collective responsibility to ensure their safety and rehabilitation,' the Lieutenant Governor said. The Lieutenant Governor further directed for ensuring adequate supply of essential services in the affected areas. He also lauded the coordinated efforts of the Administration, Army, Police, and other organisations involved in relief and rehabilitation work. In another development, Sinha increased the ex-gratia relief under Security Related Expenditure (SRE) in respect of death/disability/injury of civilians and government employees due to violence or any other form of civil commotion, an official statement said. This enhancement is over and above the Central Scheme for Assistance to civilian victims of terrorist violence under which Rs five lakhs are paid for death and permanent disability, the statement added. In case of a civilian's death, the ex gratia has been increased from Rs 1 Lakh to Rs 2.5 lakh, a two-and-a-half-fold increase (250% enhancement). In case of permanent disability due to violence or civil commotion, the ex gratia has been enhanced from Rs 75,000 to Rs 1.5 lakh, the release said. (ANI)
The Hindu
11-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
The women who remain largely invisible
Across India and South Asia, women have long been at the forefront of movements resisting unjust development, extractivism, and climate degradation. They have led protests against destructive mining, dams, and infrastructure projects. Yet, when it comes to decision-making, these women are largely invisible. From the forests of Odisha to the coastlines of Tamil Nadu, women have led some of the most sustained resistance movements. In Sijimali (Odisha), women continue to protest mining projects threatening their forest-based way of life, often facing police violence. In Jharkhand, Adivasi women in Dewas are blocking coal mining operations to protect ancestral land. In Tamil Nadu, women from fishing communities have been at the forefront of protests against the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant. These movements represent a powerful assertion of community-led development and environmental protection rooted in lived realities. Leadership not acknowledged Despite being central to the resistance, women are systematically excluded from consultations, especially those that claim to uphold free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC). In many cases, community meetings and decisions on land are dominated by men, while women, who bear the disproportionate burden of displacement and environmental degradation, are sidelined. Women's perspectives are also frequently devalued or dismissed as emotional, despite being rooted in acute socio-environmental knowledge. In Bangladesh's Phulbari, women resisted an open-pit coal mining project, enduring police crackdowns while organising mass mobilisations. In India's Narmada Bachao Andolan, Medha Patkar's leadership brought global attention to the devastating impact of dams. Yet, policies designed in response to such movements have often remained blind to the gendered impacts of displacement and rehabilitation. Legal frameworks in South Asia do exist to protect women's land rights — at least on paper. India's Forest Rights Act (2006) and PESA Act (1996) recognise women's role in Gram Sabhas and grant equal rights to forest resources. Nepal's Joint Land Ownership Policy encourages land co-ownership between spouses. Bangladesh prioritises women in land distribution under its Khas land programme. However, these frameworks are undermined by systemic gaps: land titles often remain in the name of male household heads, with women rarely listed as joint or sole owners. Implementation mechanisms lack gender sensitivity, and Gram Sabhas are frequently held in male-dominated settings. Additionally, many displaced women are not counted as heads of households and are thus excluded from compensation. There is no comprehensive gender-sensitive land policy at the national level in India. State land redistribution programmes often overlook single women, widows, or women without formal documentation. Despite the 2005 amendment to the Hindu Succession Act granting equal inheritance rights, customary laws and local practices frequently override statutory provisions, particularly in tribal regions. The intersection of formal legal barriers with entrenched patriarchal norms leads to a practical erasure of women from land governance processes. This invisibility becomes even more glaring in the context of climate change. In India and beyond, extreme heat, water scarcity, and environmental pollution are deepening existing gender inequalities. Women walk farther for water, care for sick family members, and work longer for less — all while being excluded from decisions on climate resilience, rehabilitation, or mitigation. Yet, most climate adaptation frameworks fail to integrate women's traditional ecological knowledge or ensure their participation in planning. While FPIC is increasingly cited in international standards and development finance frameworks, its actual implementation rarely includes gendered perspectives. What use is 'consultation' if it takes place in spaces where women feel unsafe to speak? What legitimacy does consent hold if it is given without understanding the long-term ecological and social impacts, or if it is granted by male leaders who don't represent women's interests? Need for structural change If we are serious about gender justice, climate justice, and inclusive development, this must change. Governments and corporations must ensure that consultations are not only free and prior but informed and inclusive. This means scheduling meetings at times accessible to women, ensuring women-only spaces when necessary, and providing translation and legal aid. It means recognising women as independent landowners, not just as dependents of male household heads. At the same time, women's leadership within movements must be amplified. Too often, women do the groundwork — organising, protesting, feeding, and sustaining the movement — without having a seat at the table. Movement allies, NGOs, and policymakers must acknowledge and support women's leadership, not just on the streets but in negotiation rooms, legislatures, and compensation boards. If development is to be democratic, if climate policy is to be just, and if resistance is to be meaningful, the voices of women must not only be heard — they must lead. Their stories are not of victimhood, but of vision. It's time our policies, laws, and institutions reflected that truth. Bhoomika Choudhury, International lawyer and researcher specialising in business and human rights, corporate accountability, and labour rights
