Latest news with #HenryKissinger
South China Morning Post
2 days ago
- Business
- South China Morning Post
Triangular diplomacy a tricky tightrope to walk for Asia-Pacific leaders
Middle and major powers are using trade, investment and technology as weapons of influence in pursuit of triangular diplomacy, a stratagem of Cold War realpolitik. However, the strengths of this approach – agility, ambiguity and tactical scope – hide the dangers of entanglements that escalate instability. A nation triangulates by balancing and manoeuvring between two other powers , building leverage, reducing dependency and becoming indispensable to multiple sides without fully committing to any. Triangular diplomacy is now a prominent approach for leaders negotiating a world where post-war institutions are in decline, autarkic capitalism is emerging, military budgets are soaring and multilateral commitments are being reassessed by US President Donald Trump. President Richard Nixon's emissary, Henry Kissinger , orchestrated this statecraft in the 1970s by using the Sino-Soviet rivalry to bolster America's power. He fostered closer ties with Beijing and Moscow individually as he kept both unsure of Washington's commitment to either.
BBC News
28-05-2025
- Business
- BBC News
The foreign policy titan who saw this moment coming
Ever since World War Two, the United States has boasted a storied bench of foreign policy titans – primarily men – who more or less managed to stay above partisan politics to focus on shaping the world order. Think of people like Henry Kissinger. George Kennan. Robert McNamara. Jim Baker. Among them is Zbigniew Brzezinski, a Polish immigrant who worked his way up from escaping World War Two, to becoming the US National Security Advisor under President Jimmy Carter. Brzezinski's life has as much history in it as just about anyone I can think of. His earliest memories were of living as a child in Germany and watching the Nazis rise to power. He spearheaded normalisation of US ties with China. He advised Jimmy Carter on how to handle the Iran Hostage Crisis. He was a key broker during the Camp David Accords. And he always believed the Soviet Union, the US's great foe, could be defeated, not just contained. Near the end of his life, Brzezinski had a warning for his adopted country. The Soviet Union was gone. The economy was strong. The US seemed invincible. But Brzezinski feared that a decline in US leadership was coming – and that it would be disastrous for both the US and the rest of the world. Ed Luce is a journalist at the Financial Times and author of the new book, Zbig. We spoke about why Brzezinski was such a prophetic figure in US foreign policy – and what he would have made of the current state of the world. It was a really eye-opening conversation; you can watch (or read) more of it below. Below is an excerpt from our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity. Katty Kay: Why choose Zbigniew Brzezinski? Why, in this moment, write about that person? Edward Luce: I was given tonnes of primary material, including the diaries he kept as national security adviser, where he would sort of speak paragraphs into his dictaphone every night, going home from the White House. I think his life was mostly dominated by the Cold War. So, when the Cold War ended, at a time when everyone else, or most other people, were triumphalist about the victory of the West and particularly of America, Brzezinski began warning that the rot now, from within, was America's major challenge. He accused Americans of hubris and of not understanding how quickly they could alienate Russia, Iran, China and fellow travellers. And that was quite prescient. And that's why the subtitle of my book is "America's great power prophet". He had a very good predictive record. KK: Was there something you learned writing this book, Ed, that made you think that this man seems relevant in 2025? EL: With a biography, you really need to get into the crucible where that character was made – and for Brzezinski, clearly it was interwar Poland, ending in this horrible conflagration where the Nazis and the Soviets divide the country and then raze it, essentially. In odd ways, it's not dissimilar to Henry Kissinger, whose Jewish extended family mostly died in the Holocaust and he coincidentally left Europe in the same year as Brzezinski: 1938. I think in both cases, but in very different ways, this shaped how they viewed the world, but one very similar way – which is that civilisation is inherently fragile; it's inherently unstable. I think that is something that both men, although they disagreed on so much, agreed on about America. It's that America somehow sees itself as standing apart from history and is not subject to its tragic laws. In 2025, with us living through what some people call the "revenge of geopolitics" that's going on around the world, it's very good for Americans to be reminded of the importance of understanding the value of what we have – and what we could be losing. A little bit like good health: you only rate it when you lose it. KK: As I went through the book, you keep coming across these issues around the world that America is still dealing with. There's Russia, there's the problems with Europe, there's the Middle East, of course the Iran hostage case, China – and it's the same issues, most of which have not been resolved. I wonder if there's anything in Brzezinski that would look at where we are today and say: "Maybe we didn't get it right". EL: I did a lot of interviews with Henry Kissinger for this book, and he said, "Look, I think what we don't understand so well in America is that history never stops. It goes on and on and on". If you look at how they both dealt with China, bringing China more into the American camp and breaking it away from the Soviets in the '70s. This was a brilliant strategic chessboard move, but of course it also seeded the rise of China, which is now a problem that America is indefinitely going to have to grapple with. Another is the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan: a perfectly sensible, although controversial, decision by Brzezinski to fund the Mujahideen rebellion against the Soviets. It helped contribute to the demise of the Soviet Union, but that then creates problems down the line of Islamism and worldwide terrorism. History does go on and on. And it does require solutions for the short and medium term, but there is never a permanent solution to anything. I think that sort of grit and pessimism at the heart of these strategic thinkers is something that's quite valuable. It schools us to realise you have to deal with what's in front of you and if you aim to an unrealistic height, you're going to fall flat on your face. KK: Are there any of those big strategic thinkers today? EL: Look, I think America is full of the most extraordinary scholarship of all regions of the world. But you don't see any scholar who's able to become a scholar practitioner in the way that Brezenski or Kissinger or George Kennan were. It's not because they're not there, but I think the demand for them has decreased. Foreign policy has become much, much more political. It's become domestic politics. Politics doesn't stop at the water's edge, as people used to say. KK: In his later years, Brzezinski felt that America lacked a kind of grand, overarching strategy. But you look at the Trump administration now and whatever you might say about the tactics and the implementation, Trump does have an overall grand vision for America, doesn't he? EL: I think it's a grand series of impulses. I don't think it has a real strategy behind it. The core of the Trump vision is essentially that we live in a jungle and big predators are more powerful than small predators. Trump sees the Western Hemisphere as America's backyard – and therefore we can do what we like, even to Canada, even to friends. Ukraine is Russia's backyard. And Taiwan, I think by implication, is China's. I don't think Brzezinski would have agreed – well, I know he disagreed with that. He would probably be looking to stoke Russian paranoia about China just to keep them a little bit suspicious of each other so that they don't unite. Things like Russian fears that China wants the territory back that the czars seized from it in the 19th Century. The fact that Russia is probably going to be the biggest beneficiary of climate change and you'll see the Siberian tundra unfreezing and becoming agricultural. China has acute population pressures. There's a lot of material to play with there, if you want to be Machiavellian and to pry Russia and China apart. I think he – and probably Kissinger, too – would be looking at that kind of strategy. I think Trump's policies are pushing Russia and China closer together which, again, just in terms of chessboard logic, it's not smart to unite your enemies. Try and keep them divided. Try and stoke mutual suspicion. --
Newsweek
27-05-2025
- Business
- Newsweek
We Are Living Through a Creative Inflection Point
Advocates for ideas and draws conclusions based on the interpretation of facts and data. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. We are at a historic inflection point in creativity and innovation. For the first time, the bottleneck to building groundbreaking products isn't capital, connections or technical skills—it's imagination. With the rise of generative AI, anyone with an idea can now create. You no longer need coding skills, venture funding or elite credentials. You simply need the courage to start and the right tools. But our systems have yet to catch up. They still prioritize credentials over curiosity, pedigree over potential. As a result, millions of brilliant ideas remain trapped in notebooks, never reaching the world—not because they lack merit, but because their creators never had permission to build. I know this reality intimately because I lived it. Growing up, I devoured books on everything from ancient Egypt to Henry Kissinger, maxing out library cards with an insatiable hunger for knowledge. Although we spoke Mandarin at home, I understood early that fluency in English was a gateway to opportunity, prompting me to painstakingly teach myself pronunciation using early internet dictionaries. Generative AI at the World Artificial Intelligence Cannes Festival, an exhibition dedicated to artificial intelligence, on August 2, 2024, in Cannes, France. Generative AI at the World Artificial Intelligence Cannes Festival, an exhibition dedicated to artificial intelligence, on August 2, 2024, in Cannes, France. Sipa via AP Images My father never attended university. He started as a security guard at a stock brokerage firm, relentlessly studied from within, and eventually became a broker himself. He instilled in me a profound belief: your potential isn't defined by paperwork. Still, I initially took the conventional route. A prestigious scholarship sent me to the National University of Singapore—a golden ticket with strings attached. Post-graduation, I was bound by years of government service. Yet my entrepreneurial urgency was too intense to ignore. To reclaim my freedom, I made the pivotal choice to repay the entire $50,000 scholarship myself, emptying my savings and leaning on family support. It was a steep price, but it bought me something invaluable: permission to build immediately. From Big Tech To Bigger Dreams That decision led me into Big Tech, scaling Twitter across international markets after its IPO, launching regional offices for Brandwatch, and negotiating strategic global partnerships at Samsung. Working among exceptional minds, I saw clearly that brilliance alone didn't guarantee success. All too often, the freshest ideas—especially from Southeast Asia and younger, unconventional voices—were overlooked in favor of ideas polished by established credentials. Then generative AI emerged, dissolving barriers I'd spent years climbing. Suddenly, you didn't need extensive engineering experience or a Silicon Valley pedigree to build something impactful. Like many entrepreneurs, I was technical enough to prototype but still dependent on others to ship. AI changed that friction overnight. It meant an idea could become reality in minutes. This profound shift inspired me to launch ChatAndBuild—an AI-powered platform enabling anyone to transform ideas into fully functioning apps without code, capital or gatekeepers. I didn't have a safety net, but I had conviction. I've always believed failing is an option, but fear is not. The real risk was never trying, it was missing the moment. When building ChatAndBuild, I thought about my younger self, my father's self-made success, and countless individuals worldwide with untapped potential. I also reflected on insights from my recent postgraduate studies in AI at Oxford, where classmates from Nairobi to New York debated the intersection of AI and human agency—not as theoretical abstractions but as personal realities. These experiences affirmed a fundamental truth: talent is universal, but opportunity is not. Beyond Apps To Intelligent Agents As generative AI advanced, a deeper insight emerged. People don't just want to create static products, they desire dynamic companions—digital entities that remember, evolve and collaborate. Responding to this, we expanded our vision to include Non-Fungible Agents (NFAs): intelligent, blockchain-based agents with persistent identities and memory. NFAs go beyond traditional digital assets. They're companions that evolve with you—writing poetry, managing your communications, coaching you or simply providing entertainment. Unlike standard bots, NFAs retain context, preferences and goals across interactions. The best part? Creating an NFA requires no coding, only vision and curiosity. ChatAndBuild makes it possible to turn imagination directly into living, digital experiences. We stand at the threshold of extraordinary potential. AI is more than a tool, it's infrastructure for human creativity. To fully harness this moment, we must rethink educational, social and economic systems to nurture everyone's creative potential. We must celebrate experimentation and reward imagination as the most valuable currency. Execution is no longer the moat. Imagination is. Let's not allow brilliant ideas to perish simply because they emerge from unconventional places or lack elite validation. Let's build a world where curiosity doesn't just speak, it ships. Christel Buchanan is the founder and CEO of Pivotal, the company behind ChatandBuild, an AI-powered platform that transforms ideas into fully functional apps in minutes.
Daily Mail
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Daily Mail
Britain CAN be great again - and here's how! JEREMY HUNT's vital new book where he insists: It's time to stop wallowing
Missed yesterday's part one in the Mail? Read it here It was that diplomat and global thinker Henry Kissinger, a great and inspirational friend of mine, who warned the biggest pitfall for any country is self-doubt. And yet that is what we as a nation are going through. We are suffering an epidemic of self-loathing, a massive decline in self-confidence and crippling disillusionment.
Business Recorder
24-05-2025
- Business
- Business Recorder
Steel in the soul of friendship
EDITORIAL: There are few bilateral relationships in the modern world as enduring — and as resolutely unflinching — as the one between Pakistan and China. As both nations celebrated the 74th anniversary of diplomatic ties this week, it was hard to miss the symbolism. This isn't just about polite protocol or ceremonial flags; this is about a friendship tested by history, tempered in crisis, and forged, to borrow the often used but never-exaggerated phrase, in iron. On 1st October 1949, Chairman Mao Zedong announced the founding of the People's Republic of China and Pakistan was among the first countries to recognise the People's Republic of China on January 1950. That decision, bold for its time and geopolitically astute, was the beginning of a relationship that would later come to define both countries' global postures. Diplomatic relations between the two countries established on 21st May 1951. In the Cold War's darkest hours, Pakistan played a central role in helping China break through its diplomatic isolation — most notably by arranging the historic visit of Henry Kissinger to Beijing in 1971, which paved the way for US-China rapprochement. That singular act showed Islamabad's ability to think beyond its own borders, positioning itself not only as China's friend, but as its connector to the world. Beijing has not forgotten. In the decades since, China has returned the favour many times over. From steady diplomatic backing at multilateral forums to long-term economic investment, the China-Pakistan relationship has moved from principle to practice, from symbolic solidarity to tangible gains. At every strategic inflection point — from Pakistan's nuclear tests to its evolving counterterrorism landscape — China has offered unwavering support. It's a record very few other countries, if any, can claim. The current phase of this friendship is no less consequential. If history built the foundation, it is the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that has built the superstructure. Launched in 2015 under the umbrella of China's Belt and Road Initiative, CPEC is not merely a collection of roads, ports, and power plants — it is the architectural blueprint of Pakistan's future. From the blazing lights of Gwadar to the highways snaking through Balochistan, from Special Economic Zones to cutting-edge energy projects, CPEC is modern development with strategic purpose. It would be simplistic to call CPEC just an infrastructure programme. It is Pakistan's most comprehensive national transformation project in decades. The new Gwadar International Airport, the year-round opening of the Khunjerab Pass, the commitment to support livelihood projects and emerging sectors like mining and clean energy — this isn't about aid. It's about shared prosperity. And for once, it's being done without the conditionality and condescension that often accompany assistance from other quarters of the globe. China's support also extends beyond steel and concrete. In moments of military tension, especially during recent hostilities with India, Beijing stood firmly by Islamabad, reminding the region — and the world — that strategic partnerships are not only built in peace, but proven in crisis. At a time when many countries recalibrate friendships based on convenience or compliance, China's constancy deserves special note. There is, of course, work still to be done. The CPEC vision will only deliver fully if it is matched by local governance that ensures transparency, protects workers — especially Chinese engineers and technicians operating in restive areas — and maximises spillover benefits for Pakistan's broader economy. Security, especially in Balochistan, remains a concern. But those are challenges to be managed, not reasons to falter. What sets this friendship apart is its sincerity. There's little of the forced public affection that marks many other so-called alliances. China and Pakistan do not flatter each other with platitudes; they walk the walk—quietly, efficiently, often in defiance of shifting global winds. This week's cultural event, aptly themed 'Tea for Harmony,' captured the essence of the relationship. In a world increasingly defined by transactionalism and performative diplomacy, the Pakistan-China bond remains refreshingly free of drama and posturing. It is steady, purposeful, and deeply rooted. For a country like Pakistan, often navigating a volatile regional and global landscape, such reliability is not just comforting — it's strategic. Seventy-four years on, this is more than a friendship. It is an anchor. An iron-clad alliance not just of states, but of shared destinies. And in a world rusting with rivalries, that is worth celebrating. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
