Latest news with #Hindi-speaking
Time of India
17 hours ago
- General
- Time of India
‘2 June ki roti' memes are back on social media– but what does it really mean? Here's the surprising explanation
As June 2 arrives, social media feeds across platforms like X (formerly Twitter) and Instagram start filling up with a familiar phrase– '2 June ki Roti.' The phrase trends every year, not because of any national event or anniversary, but due to its cultural weight and relevance in everyday life. What begins as a wordplay based on the date soon turns into a space for users to share relatable, sarcastic, and sometimes emotional posts. But this isn't just another passing meme. The phrase '2 June ki Roti' has a layered meaning, one that reflects a deeper truth about daily life and survival, especially in the Indian context. What does '2 June ki roti' really mean? Despite sounding like a reference to the calendar, '2 June ki Roti' has nothing to do with the date. In Hindi, it is a widely used idiom that refers to do waqt ki roti– the ability to earn and eat two meals a day. The phrase has long been used to speak about basic sustenance, especially in the context of struggle, hard work, and financial difficulty. In everyday language, 'June' in this context isn't referring to the month itself. Instead, it's a casual expression linked to two meals– two opportunities to eat. As a result, the date 2nd June becomes a recurring moment each year when this phrase gains renewed popularity online. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 잦은 무릎통증.. '단 1회 주사 / 수술없는 치료' 가능하다 무릎치료 30년 - 장덕한방병원 서초본원(서울,강남) 더 알아보기 Undo The annual meme wave On this day, humour takes the lead. Memes and posts flood timelines, often loaded with sarcasm or emotional undertones. Some speak of personal struggles, while others stick to classic family banter. One user wrote, 'Aaj roti kha lena kyuki 2 June ki roti sabko naseeb nahi hoti.' Another shared, 'Hamare yaha kal kuch guest arahe.. 2 June ki roti khane.. par me ye unko nhi bol sakti.. relatives ka sarcasm bada kharab hota hai.. kha ke bhi jayenge aur do suna ke bhi jayenge.' The format may be funny, but the line between humour and reality is often thin. A phrase rooted in everyday realities This phrase resonates with many because it captures a common reality– working hard just to afford life's most basic need: food. Whether it's a street vendor, a daily wage labourer, or anyone facing the rising cost of living, '2 June ki Roti' reflects the struggle and effort behind everyday survival. The phrase doesn't ask for sympathy. Instead, it acknowledges the daily hustle– a quiet but constant part of life for many. Language, context, and cultural weight Phrases like this are a common way people in India express social and personal challenges. They may be simple, but they carry deep meaning. In Hindi-speaking households, such expressions are often used– not only to talk about struggle but also to highlight dignity and perseverance. As the phrase becomes a meme trend once a year, its original meaning stays intact– a reminder that the fight for do waqt ki roti continues, even if it's wrapped in humour for a day.
News18
3 days ago
- Entertainment
- News18
Pushpa 2 TV Premiere: When And Where To Watch Allu Arjun's Blockbuster In Hindi
Last Updated: Pushpa 2: The Rule, starring Allu Arjun and Rashmika Mandanna, is all set for its Hindi television premiere on Zee Cinema. The wait is finally over for Hindi-speaking fans of Pushpa. The Hindi version of Pushpa 2: The Rule, one of India's biggest cinematic blockbusters, is all set for its world television premiere on May 31 at 7:30 PM on Zee Cinema. Directed by Sukumar, Pushpa 2: The Rule is the much-anticipated sequel to the 2021 phenomenon Pushpa: The Rise. Starring Allu Arjun in the lead role as Pushpa Raj, the film continues the gripping saga of a daily wage laborer who rises to dominate the ruthless red sandalwood smuggling syndicate. His journey, once marked by survival, is now about control, legacy, and navigating power at the top. Rashmika Mandanna reprises her role as Srivalli, Pushpa's love interest who is now his wife. As Pushpa ascends to power, new tensions emerge—especially with his estranged stepbrother Molleti Mohan Rao (played by Ajay) and his sworn nemesis, police officer Bhanwar Singh Shekhawat, portrayed by Fahadh Faasil. The story weaves intense family drama with high-octane action and emotional stakes. Written by Sukumar with dialogues by Srikanth Vissa, the film boasts an impressive ensemble cast, including Jagapathi Babu, Sunil, and Rao Ramesh. The movie premiered in theaters on December 5, 2024, and later released on OTT in January 2025. Pushpa 2: The Rule shattered box office records, raking in a staggering ₹1,871 crore worldwide gross, making it the highest-grossing Indian film of 2024 and the second-highest-grossing Indian film of all time, behind only Dangal. It even surpassed the iconic Baahubali 2: The Conclusion, becoming the first Indian film post-pandemic to reach such heights. With a powerful storyline, chart-topping music, and Allu Arjun's magnetic performance, Pushpa 2: The Rule is a cinematic force. Its Hindi TV premiere marks another milestone in the film's unstoppable journey. Don't miss the premiere of Pushpa 2: The Rule (Hindi) on May 31 at 7:30 PM, exclusively on Zee Cinema. First Published:
The Print
5 days ago
- The Print
NIA starts probe into loot of huge quantity of explosives by Maoists in Odisha's Sundargarh
'The Odisha police is providing all required assistance to the NIA for undertaking the probe into the loot of explosives,' DIG, Western Range, Brijesh Rai told reporters at Rourkela. Senior NIA officers including a DIG, SP and Additional SP visited Rourkela. The NIA has started an investigation into the loot of around 200 packets of gelatin being transported to a stone quarry at Banko in Sundergarh district on Tuesday by Maoists. Bhubaneswar/Rourkela, May 29 (PTI) A team of the National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Thursday started an investigation into the loot of huge quantity of explosives by Maoists in Odisha's Sundargarh district, an officer said. He said the police have registered a case in this regard based on the statement of the driver of the truck which was transporting the explosive materials. The loot took place in the area in close vicinity of Saranda forests in adjacent West Singhbhum district of Jharkhand, considered the hotbed of Maoists. The armed miscreants reportedly threatened the driver at gunpoint and asked him to drive into a nearby forest, where a group of Maoists looted approximately four tonne of explosives. Though the truck carrying the material was recovered during a search operation on Wednesday, there was no trace of the explosives, an officer said. The truck driver said the Hindi-speaking Maoists spared him after he pleaded for mercy. Police sources said that there were indications of involvement of Jharkhand-based Maoists in the explosive loot incident. The DIG said the Maoists might have entered Sundergarh from neighbouring Jharkhand. The place of loot was in close proximity to West Singhbhum district in Jharkhand. Rai said as per the direction of DGP Y B Khurania, who visited the spot on Wednesday, the police have launched a search operation. On Wednesday, DGP Khurania along with IGP (Operation) Deepak Kumar, DIG (Western Range) Brijesh Kumar Rai and Sundargarh SP Pratyush Diwakar held a series of closed-door meetings and reviewed the situation. Meanwhile, the Odisha police along with security personnel of Jharkhand and CRPF have intensified operations in the Odisha-Jharkhand border area. PTI COR AAM AAM RG This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.
AFP
7 days ago
- General
- AFP
Picture shows Chernobyl nuclear plant control room, not Pakistan airbase after Indian strikes
"Scene at Nur Khan Airbase," reads the Hindi-language post sharing the photo published on Facebook on May 18. Image Screenshot of the false post taken on May 21, 2025 The facility was among the three Pakistan airbases targeted by Indian missiles a week earlier, as New Delhi and Islamabad engaged in an intense four-day conflict (archived link). The fighting killed more than 70 people in both countries before a ceasefire was agreed on May 10 (archived link). The conflict was sparked by a militant attack on April 22 in Indian-controlled Kashmir, which killed 26 people, mainly Hindu men. New Delhi blamed Pakistan for backing the attack, which Islamabad denies (archived link). The false post spread among Hindi-speaking users on Facebook and X, where it was shared hundreds of times. Some users appeared to believe the claim is genuine. One user commented, "Well-established airbases were destroyed, thanks to our soldiers." "Beautiful view. My heart felt happy," another wrote. But a Google reverse image search reveals the false picture actually shows the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant's control room, similar to those seen on stock photo websites Alamy and Adobe Stock (archived here and here). CNN published a picture showing a wide view of the room in a report on May 29, 2020 taken by German photographer Bernhard Ludewig (archived link). Image Screenshot comparison of the false post (left) and the photo in the CNN article Ludewig told AFP on May 22 that the image circulating online depicts the power plant's control room. "There is basically just one good photo spot left today... so most pictures will show things from a very similar perspective," he said in an email. The Telegraph also published a video filmed in the plant on October 25, 2019 showing similar visuals (archived link). A reactor at the Chernobyl power plant exploded during a botched safety test on April 26, 1986, resulting in the world's worst nuclear accident, which sent clouds of radiation across much of Europe and forced tens of thousands of people to evacuate (archived link). AFP has debunked other misinformation stemming from the conflict between India and Pakistan.
Indian Express
7 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
The paradox of a de-Mandalised North and Mandalised South
Also written by Chinmay Bendre and Atharva Vyavahare The central government's decision to include caste enumeration in the upcoming Census has triggered diverse reactions across India. These reactions need to be understood in the context of emerging differences between the northern and southern states. While the former seem to be proceeding towards de-Mandalisation, the latter continue consolidating identity politics to achieve socio-economic advancement. Politics of northern states: BJP's push from Mandal to Hindutva consolidation The implementation of the Mandal Commission's recommendations reshaped northern politics significantly. It elevated the OBC leadership and caste-centric parties, fostered greater OBC participation across education, employment, and politics, and led to the decline of the Congress Party, facilitating new caste alliances. However, since 2014, this trajectory has dramatically altered. The political ascent of Hindutva, alongside the weakening of caste-based subaltern parties, marked the onset of de-Mandalisation. Mandalisation refers to the politics of opportunity, empowerment, and social justice aimed at marginalised castes. De-Mandalisation signifies a shift away from caste-based affirmative action and substantive empowerment towards welfare measures that don't follow rights-based statutory frameworks. Thus, it neglects deeper structural reforms and perpetuates existing hierarchies. Electoral outcomes validate this transition. Results of the Lok Sabha elections indicate a consistent rise in the BJP's vote share in Hindi-speaking states. In 2019, the BJP secured over 50 per cent votes in Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Haryana, and Madhya Pradesh, highlighting the significance of welfare schemes. Subaltern caste-based regional parties have simultaneously weakened. RJD's vote share in Bihar has fluctuated between 15.68 per cent and 22.62 per cent, between the 2019 Lok Sabha and 2020 assembly elections, while JD(U) gathered 22.26 per cent vote share in 2019. In Uttar Pradesh, the Samajwadi Party's vote share declined from 22.35 per cent in 2014 to 18.11 per cent in 2019, rebounding somewhat in 2024 with 33.84 per cent and 37 seats. While perceived as a revival of the Yadav-Muslim coalition, this resurgence seemed to have been significantly driven by broader social coalitions and concerns about constitutional rights for marginalised groups. Dalit parties experienced similar contractions, with BSP's share falling dramatically across several northern states. The BJP strategically combined Hindutva, welfare policies, and the co-option of non-dominant OBCs and marginalised Dalits like Pasis, Dhobis, and Khatiks, solidifying its dominance in the region. Southern states: Similar tactics, chequered outcomes In contrast to the shifting dynamics in the north, southern states continue to deepen their commitment to caste-based empowerment, drawing on a long legacy of social reform. Anchored in movements like the Dravidian self-respect movement led by Periyar in Tamil Nadu, the South's approach to identity politics remains rooted in historical struggles for dignity, representation and social justice. This enduring ideological foundation has shaped a distinct and assertive regional stance on caste enumeration and reservation policies. Tamil Nadu's unanimous assembly resolution in June 2024, urging the Union Government to conduct a caste census, explicitly invoked the principles of equal rights and equitable access to education, employment, and economic opportunity. Alongside, the state continues to grapple with calls to reinstate the 10.5 per cent Vanniyar quota within the Most Backward Caste category — struck down by the courts — underscoring the layered and ongoing negotiations around identity-based entitlements. In Karnataka, the long-delayed release of findings from the Socio-Economic and Educational Survey (SEES) in early 2024 reignited caste-based contestations. The report proposed increasing OBC reservations from 32 per cent to 51 per cent, reclassifying Kurubas as 'most backward', and extending the creamy layer criterion across Category I castes. The data prompted swift backlash from dominant caste groups like the Vokkaligas and Veerashaiva-Lingayats, who alleged underrepresentation, highlighting the complex terrain of caste enumeration, political accommodation, and social perception. Further, Telangana and Andhra Pradesh witnessed judicial intervention reshaping Dalit politics. In August 2024, the Supreme Court upheld the sub-categorisation of Scheduled Castes, acknowledging that the Madigas have historically faced greater disadvantages than Malas. While legally validating differentiated access to reservation, the verdict has reopened debates around intra-Dalit equity and risks fracturing existing solidarities. Meanwhile, the Telangana Assembly passed a bill raising OBC reservations to 42 per cent, citing recent caste survey data that estimated OBCs constitute 56.36 per cent of the state's population. Taken together, these developments reflect the South's continued structural engagement with caste, not merely as electoral arithmetic, but as a tool for reimagining equitable access and political representation. This stands in sharp contrast to the increasingly symbolic and depoliticised caste engagements that dominate the contemporary political landscape of the northern states. Can progressive subaltern parties in both the North and South effectively mobilise and articulate a discourse centred on genuine empowerment, rights, and agency, irrespective of the BJP's ascendancy and varying positions on the caste census? Achieving this would require subaltern parties to construct broader, inclusive social coalitions while clearly communicating a narrative of empowerment rooted in structural reform. The success of such mobilisation hinges on their ability to convincingly present democratic alternatives to welfare schemes that, while expansive, are often detached from a rights-based framework and shaped more by political expediency than structural justice. Karthik K R is a postdoctoral research fellow of Indian and Indonesian politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, Leiden, Bendre is a Senior Research Associate at the MIT School of Government, Pune, and Vyavahare is in Leadership and Government at the MIT School of Government, Pune
