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India.com
3 hours ago
- Politics
- India.com
Booth By Booth, Temple By Temple: How West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee Is Taking On BJP Ahead Of Polls
West Bengal Assembly Elections will take place next year, but Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is well aware of how tight the contest will be this time, given that the opponents are not Congress-Left but the BJP, which will contest the polls with all its might. To take on the BJP, which is spearheaded by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the TMC is taking on each and every political aspect being taken up by the saffron party. During a recent rally, Prime Minister Modi started his speech with 'Jai Ma Durge' and 'Jai Ma Kaali' chants, a shift from 'Jai Shri Ram' and 'Jai Siya Ram'. Wooing Booths With Funds The TMC is aware of how the BJP works to mobilise booths and grassroot workers and thus, CM Mamata Banerjee is not targeting booth-level workers and voters as well. On Tuesday, Mamata Banerjee announced 'Amader Para, Amader Samadhan' (our neighbourhood, our solution) program under which she announced Rs 10 lakh funds per booth to provide grievance redressal and services to common people. Banerjee said that this is the first such initiative in the country where people to voice their opinions and mutually decide the issues they need to get it resolved in their booth using Rs 10 lakh. She said that local issues will be identified and resolved at the extreme micro level. She said that the scheme gives power in the hands of people, as it's for the first time that people will decide what's best for them under a Govt-public participatory programme. "In total, the state government will be spending Rs 8000 crore on this programme. It will start on August 2. A Task Force will be headed by the Chief Secretary Manoj Pant, who will monitor this," said Banerjee. Counter Polarisation Accused of appeasement politics by the BJP, the TMC is now doing course correction by taking up soft Hindutva, to not upset the Muslims while appealing to the Hindu voters. Recently, Banerjee led the grand inauguration of Rs 250 crore Jagannath Dham and now, she has launched 'Durga Angan' project, a grand year-round temple complex dedicated to Ma Durga. This is being seen as a counter to the BJP invoking 'Durga' and 'Kali' in its campaign. During Martyrs' Day rally on July 21, Banerjee made her intent clear why targeting PM Modi, "Why is it that you suddenly start remembering Ma Kali and Ma Durga only during the elections? Ma Durga is our revered goddess, and Durga Puja has even received international recognition as an Intangible Cultural Heritage. Now listen, just as we developed Jagannath Dham, we will create 'Durga Angan' so that people can visit and experience it throughout the year." BJP Alleges Symbolism The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has strongly criticised the move, calling it a violation of constitutional principles and accusing the state government of diverting public funds for religious purposes. Party leaders claimed the decision was a calculated attempt to appeal to Hindu voters who have traditionally supported the BJP. Suvendu Adhikari, the Leader of the Opposition in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly, argued that government funds should not be used to construct any place of worship—whether it be a temple, mosque, church, or gurudwara. He accused Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee of misusing taxpayer money and disregarding the secular framework outlined in the Constitution.
Time of India
6 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Temple politics in Bengal: How Mamata Banerjee is trying to counter BJP's 'Jai Ma Kali' push
NEW DELHI: Chief minister Mamata Banerjee, who is often accused of appeasement politics by her opponents, seems to be charting new waters to take on the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as the political temperatures rise ahead of the 2026 West Bengal assembly election. In the recent bypoll in Nadia's Kaliganj assembly segment, BJP, which although lost the election, felt that the party had significant takeaway from the results - consolidation of Hindu votes. "We have been able to reap the benefits of assimilating Hindu votes in the region. The effort has paid off since we have received an overwhelming majority of votes from Hindu-dominated areas like Palassey," Suvendu Adhikari, leader of opposition, said. This perhaps explains Mamata's recent visible tilt towards soft Hindutva as she tries to do a course correction. With the grand inauguration of Rs 250 crore Jagannath Dham in April, and now the announcement of 'Durga Angan' project, Mamata is signaling a deliberate recalibration of her ideological narrative, long dominated by BJP. The 'Durga Angan' gambit With the 2026 West Bengal assembly elections looming, the chief minister has moved to the heart of the state's cultural and religious identity with her announcement to create 'Durga Angan', a grand year-round temple complex dedicated to Ma Durga. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Here's The Estimated Cost of a 1-day Walk-in Shower Upgrade Homebuddy Learn More Undo "Just as we developed Jagannath Dham, we will create 'Durga Angan' so that people can visit and experience it throughout the year," the TMC chief said. Interestingly, the announcement comes at a time when BJP is swiftly invoking Bengal centric religious symbols like 'Jai Ma Kali' and 'Jai Ma Durga' in its campaign narrative. On July 18, Prime Minister Narendra Modi invoked the Goddesses at the beginning of his speech in Durgapur as he said that BJP is the only party that truly respects and protects Bengali 'ashmita' (pride). Later Banerjee, targeting PM directly during Martyrs' Day rally asked: "Why is it that you suddenly start remembering Ma Kali and Ma Durga only during the elections? Ma Durga is our revered goddess, and Durga Puja has even received international recognition as an Intangible Cultural Heritage. Now listen, just as we developed Jagannath Dham, we will create 'Durga Angan' so that people can visit and experience it throughout the year. " The CM, however, gave no timeline or details of the project. BJP slams TMC's Hindu symbolism Soon after Mamata's announcement, BJP slammed the decision as unconstitutional, alleging misuse of public funds to promote religion and branding it a political ploy to woo Hindu votes traditionally gravitating toward BJP. Suvendu Adhikari, leader of the opposition in the West Bengal assembly, asked, "No religious institution - temple, mosque, church or gurudwara - can be built using taxpayers' money." He accused Mamata of misusing public funds and ignoring constitutional benchmarks. He further added, "She hasn't read the Constitution, nor does she understand her own religion. She must educate herself before making such statements." TMC defends its faith credentials TMC spokesperson Riju Dutta, in rebuttal, pointed out Mamata Banerjee's long-standing spiritual affinity and said, "She performed Kali Puja at home even before entering politics. Building temples like Jagannath Dham or Durga Angan stems from genuine faith." He also cited prior state support for thousands of grassroots Durga Pujas and securing a Unesco heritage tag for the festival as evidence of the TMC's longstanding cultural engagement. "She has supported thousands of grassroots Durga Pujas with financial grants and helped secure UNESCO's heritage tag for the festival. She even organises the annual Durga Puja Carnival. Does that not count? BJP mocks Jagannath Dham as a 'theme park' and now questions her faith, people will judge them," he added. Why temple projects matter for TMC In West Bengal, the BJP election campaigns have focused on alleged Muslim appeasement by TMC, drawing support from Hindu voters. This has been especially effective in districts such as Murshidabad, Malda, Nadia, and North 24 Parganas. As Mamata government fights the aftermath of recent riots in Murshidabad, rapes in Kolkata medical college and B-school, the temple projects help TMC's double strategy of blending soft Hindutva symbolism with welfare-centric politics. These moves also come at a time when BJP has brought in Samik Bhattacharya, a staunch party loyalist with deep RSS roots to lead BJP state unit president marking a strategic move by the central leadership to stabilise the state unit amid internal rifts and prepare it for the 2026 Assembly elections. Since the BJP's 2021 assembly poll defeat, the organisation has suffered desertions, infighting, and setbacks in the 2023 Panchayat polls, 2024 Lok Sabha elections and recent bypoll in Kaliganj. In the 2021 assembly elections, TMC secured 48.02% vote share and 215 out of 292 seats, while BJP captured 37.97% but only 77 seats. In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, TMC won 29 of 42 seats with approximately 45.76% vote share, up from around 43.3% in 2019; BJP fell to 12 seats with 38.73%, from 40.7% in 2019. While TMC retains advantage, Mamata's recent turn toward Hindu imagery appears bipartisan in purpose: a fence-mending strategy with Hindu voters while reinforcing her base among minority groups and welfare beneficiaries. As Banerjee positions herself at the cross-section of symbolism and state resources, her gamble may well be to preempt BJP's Hindutva allure. For now, the electoral arithmetic still favors TMC, but the game is tightening. In Bengal's increasingly polarised politics, religious symbolism is now a shared battlefield, and Mamata is choosing to play offense.
India Today
8 hours ago
- Politics
- India Today
Taken At The Flood: Jagdeep Dhankhar's journey through India's political currents
Life moves like a restless river, always flowing and changing course. At times, it lifts us up to new heights; at other times, it draws us back. But, as Shakespeare wrote, there are moments in life—high tides—that, if seized, can carry us to great fortune. The story of Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, who resigned on Monday, is much like this river, full of ebb and At The FloodIn 1989, India's political landscape was turbulent, with the Congress facing unprecedented challenges from a united opposition. It was a Dickensian ode to the best of times for the non-Congress opposition and the worst for the Congress and then Prime Minister Rajiv young PM, who had caught the nation's fancy with his persona and vision, had suddenly lost his sheen. A penumbra of corruption, opportunism, and communalism had surrounded his early aura. Bofors, a Swedish gun, had become a household name, and the streets echoed with a nasty slogan: 'Gali, gali main shor hai, Rajiv Gandhi chor hai.' Another narrative was unfolding with the unravelling of Rajiv Gandhi—the rise of Hindutva, amplified by BJP's campaign for a Ram Temple in Ayodhya. As BJP leader LK Advani led a 'Rath Yatra' through the heart of India, leaving behind a legacy of Hindutva revivalism and a trail of blood, a strange alliance shaped Indian politics. It presented Jagdeep Dhankhar an opportunity to ride the high tide of Unlikely AllianceThe left is left, and the right is right, and the twain shall never meet. This axiom of politics turned on its head when the BJP, the Janata Dal—led by VP Singh—and the Left joined hands against Rajiv Gandhi in the 1989 elections. The alliance shredded the social tapestry the Congress had woven through clever caste and communal equations. In many places, it brought rival social groups together, creating a solid vote bank against the Congress. The impact of this coalition was felt most in states like Rajasthan, where feudal-era loyalties had created deep schisms between politically vocal castes like Jats and Rajputs. For the first time in Indian history, these arch-rivals united to uproot the 1989The desert town of Jhunjhunu, possibly named after a chieftain called Jhunjha, is the beating heart of Shekhawati, a region in Rajasthan known as the birthplace of some of India's biggest business tycoons. Born in a small village in Jhunjhunu, Dhankhar moved to Jaipur to practice law, where he became president of the High Court Bar Association. But his political destiny awaited him in politics is dominated by three groups—the numerically superior Jats, the politically united Muslims, and the socially powerful Rajputs, who once ruled as chieftains. The politics of Jhunjhunu was historically dominated by the Congress, which created a solid vote bloc of Jats, Muslims, and Dalits. In 1989, two leaders blasted away this bonhomie, giving Dhankhar a rare opportunity in Tau and The ThakuradvertisementAmong the Jats of Rajasthan, especially in the Shekhawati region, Chaudhary Devi Lal emerged as an unexpected star, even though his karma bhoomi was the adjoining state of Haryana. Revered as Tau by followers, Devi Lal shook Rajasthan's political landscape when he announced his candidature from Sikar, against Congress heavyweight and fellow Jat, Balram Lal's decision to contest from Sikar, which abuts Jhunjhunu, drew Jats to the opposition in the entire Shekhawati region. They combined with the Rajputs, led by BJP stalwart Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, and the lure of VP Singh, a Thakur, to form a formidable group that guaranteed opposition victory.A Pivotal Rally: The Turning PointIt was Tau Devi Lal's 75th birthday, an occasion turned into opposition's heft at Delhi's Boat Club. Dhankhar, a young lawyer with political ambition, organised a large gathering from Jhunjhunu to attend the birthday rally.A few days later, while his Sangram Colony house in Jaipur was dipped in the dark because of a power cut, light shone through. Devi Lal and Ajit Singh visited him, offering him the chance to contest from Jhunjhunu. Riding on the anger against PM Gandhi, thrust forward by the combined might of the Jat-Rajput coalition, Dhankhar swept the and FlowThe river of destiny shifted its course in November 1990. VP Singh, carried to power by high hopes and the surge of public will, formed the government. Dhankhar was inducted as a junior minister, ironically, on the recommendation of Bansi Lal, a Congress leader. In November 1989, VP Singh's government fell toppled by collapsing alliances. Chandra Shekhar, whose journey had long flowed against the mainstream, now found himself steering the that moment's confluence, another opportunity emerged when he was called to serve as Minister of State in the government. But, he refused to take oath, objecting to the inclusion of Rajasthan leaders Daulat Ram and Kalyan Singh as senior March 1991, Chandra Shekhar's government, always precarious, lost the support that had kept it standing. Faced with mounting political pressure and growing isolation, he resigned, bringing his brief time in office to an end. With the cabinet dissolved, Dhankhar's role in national politics faded as quickly as it had appeared. The attention shifted, new names emerged, and for Dhankhar, it was a return to relative obscurity, his moment on the central stage quietly passing into Out the LullThe gates of Parliament had closed, but ambition still stirred. Politics, though, seldom forgives or forgets. The Congress, regaining dominance through the 1990s, saw Dhankhar make a pragmatic shift—he joined its ranks, winning a state assembly seat in 1993. For a while, after his assembly win, Dhankhar's career he made a political blunder. In the caste-driven politics of Rajasthan, Dhankhar positioned himself as a Jat leader. Unfortunately for him, the reins of the Congress passed to Ashok Gehlot, who swiftly purged the party of Jat leaders. Denied the chance to contest for the Assembly by Gehlot, Dhankhar joined the NCP, and then the BJP ahead of the 2003 Assembly polls. Vasundhara Raje, his old friend and the new BJP satrap, refused to give Dhankhar a Rajya Sabha ticket, ending his dream of a return to national 15-year ExileHis political journey, once brimming with promise, was derailed by a mix of his own impatience, sudden changes in allegiance, and missteps, as well as the rise of regional leaders who viewed the shrewd lawyer with suspicion. Consequently, after brief spells in nearly every major political party within a decade, he found himself pushed to the sidelines, left to while away his has its own rhythm. At the beginning of the millennium, Dhankhar waited patiently for the tide to turn. Visitors to his farm on the outskirts of Jaipur were treated with the luxury of time and the coffee he blended himself, stirring it for hours with a political wilderness stretched for nearly 15 years. Dhankhar, however, remained more than a distant memory. He remained active in the legal world, earning renown as a sharp, argumentative advocate in the Supreme Court. In these years, he forged quiet but potent links with the RSS, lending his insights and tenacity to the background operations of the Sangh and BJP, even as he was denied a formal Angles of ReturnIn 2019, fortune turned. The BJP, seeking a seasoned and regionally credible leader, tapped Dhankhar as Governor of West Bengal—a surprise move that returned him to the center of political action. His legal acumen and deep understanding of political strategy became assets as he dealt with the fierce, often confrontational politics of Bengal, often sparring with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. His confrontational style was rewarded by the BJP with his election as Vice President in 2022. But another chapter was Health and Political ConcernsThis March, Dhankhar underwent a procedure for removal of blockages in the heart. But the problem of low blood pressure and fainting spells persisted. This, according to official sources, is the reason for his sudden the real reason is complex. Sources close to Dhankhar cite his continuous neglect by the BJP top brass, indicating a rapid souring of relationship. In his home state, Rajasthan, the Vice President felt slighted by the chief minister, Bhajan Lal, who would often ignore his trips, or requests. Sources close to him say he was being insulted on purpose–a clear message that his stock had fallen within the 20 was the birthday of his wife, Dr Sudesh Dhankhar. A feast was organised for the staff, with jalebis flown in from Jaipur. There was no sign of his impending resignation, though Dhankhar was aware that he had overstayed his welcome. Whispers in political circles suggest tensions with BJP leadership over his outspoken remarks on farmers and the judiciary, though no official confirmation a day later, on the opening day of the Monsoon Session of Parliament, Dhankhar quit. 'He was simmering because the top brass had turned cold and aloof. Things had turned so bad that the party leadership would ignore even his salutations and greetings,' a family source of the SurvivorsDhankhar's journey is less a tale of permanent ascent and more one of resilience—the ability to wait, adapt, and seize opportunity when it arises. His recent resignation is simply the latest bend in a long, unpredictable course. Jagdeep Dhankhar has navigated the floods with remarkable tenacity. Will he catch another high tide, or is this the end of his political journey? Time will reveal its future ebb and flow.- Ends
NDTV
9 hours ago
- Politics
- NDTV
Time Ripe For Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis To Reshuffle Cabinet: Team Uddhav
Mumbai: Shiv Sena (UBT) on Tuesday said it was time for Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis to reshuffle his cabinet and shunt out five to six ministers who have been linked to various controversies, including "playing rummy, taking bribes and getting caught in a honey trap". The Thackeray camp in the party's mouthpiece 'Saamana' editorial claimed that Union Home Minister Amit Shah is reportedly perturbed over these incidents, and has given clear instructions to take stern action in this regard. It further said that the time has come for Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis to reshuffle his cabinet by dropping five to six ministers locked in various controversies. Shiv Sena (UBT) said, 'There are many different types of people in the Maharashtra cabinet. One minister is playing rummy in the Assembly, another is showing off bag full of cash and smoking cigarettes, a third minister is sitting next to Fadnavis after digesting the murder of his girlfriend, a fourth minister is trying to escape from the honey trap of Nashik and a fifth minister is himself caught in the honey trap while trapping others.' The editorial has raised questions over the ethics and morality of some ministers in the government due to their misconduct. The editorial takes a swipe at CM Fadnavis, saying that the government led by him is a strong advocate of Hindutva, and therefore, before coming to power, he must have taken a good look at the 'Panchang (Hindu almanack or calendar)'. 'Some people in the government even entered power by performing 'Aghori puja (rituals to invoke deities and make offerings)' at the Kamakhya temple in Assam, but all of them seem to have missed the right time. Looking at the way the ministers' actions, the cabinet will soon have to be reshuffled by kicking out five to six ministers, sending them home. Thackeray camp said the names of such ministers are being discussed in political circles. 'Ministers Sanjay Shirsat, Yogesh Kadam, Manik Kokate, Dada Bhuse, Sanjay Rathod and also some of the five other ministers trapped in the 'honey trap' of Nashik, will have to go. Home Minister Amit Shah has given such clear instructions in this regard,' added the editorial. Further, the editorial has alleged the involvement of some BJP ministers in the honey trap. The party chose to level these charges even after Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis in the state Assembly last week said that there was no honey trap. He also asked the opposition not to target the government with weak arguments and loose evidence; instead, come out with solid information and proof. "The police are trying to find CDs and pen drives in the honey trap case as the secrets of the ministers in the current government are hidden in them," claimed the editorial.
The Wire
11 hours ago
- Business
- The Wire
How Identity Politics Can Burn Viksit Bharat
Viksit Bharat envisages a $30 trillion economy by 2047. India boasts of a younger demographic, a thriving tech ecosystem, and growing global influence. However, one internal factor may well impede the economic growth dreams: the creeping dominance of exclusionary politics rooted in Hindutva ideology. Majoritarianism is not critical for economic competitiveness; but inclusivity, talent mobility, and social trust are. From west to north and east, India is rife with slogans that embolden identity over law, impunity over accountability. What was once fringe rhetoric has become mainstream political optics. This cultural normalisation of religious supremacy mimics Ku Klux Klan. Without social stability, economic progress is unlikely. Communal riots have a corrosive effect on the economy Is the ideology at odds with enterprise? Developmental economists like Jayati Ghosh confirms that communal riots, mostly masquerading for political parties, have a corrosive effect on economy of the nation – Not just the human toll, but the displacement of masses, the crash of real estate prices, and the disintegration of social networks that are essential for trade and unorganised sector. Historical evidence is there to show how episodes of targeted violence have resulted in minority families selling property well below market value and migrating under duress. Such erosion of livelihood and security hampers consumption, impacts local economies, and aggravates system inefficiency. The unorganised sector that employs over 90% of India's workforce is particularly vulnerable. Muslims and dalits, together constituting nearly 40% of the population, are heavily concentrated in the informal sector. Economic boycotts, discrimination in daily transactions, and targeted propaganda do not just marginalise individuals; but destabilise interconnected markets, from supply chains to consumer demand. The informal and formal economies are not entirely distinct; they are interdependent. Marginalising one community reverberates across the whole system. Religious identity continues to affect access to housing (both buying and rental), loans, and employment. In most cities today, qualified professionals report being denied rentals based solely on their names. Individuals quite often resort to masking their identity just to secure accommodation. These barriers are bad for labour mobility, which is key for urban productivity and economic growth. Systemic bias can cause big damage in the financial sector. Reports of cases where business loan applications are rejected despite sufficient collateral, credit rating and proper documentation, are on the rise over the last decade – all because of the individuals' names! When access to capital is contingent on religion rather than merit or risk, the institutions destroy trust and credibility for entrepreneurs. A more sinister danger is the growing ecosystem of fake news, which the World Economic Forum (WEF) says will be India's No.1 risk, and hate speech and slurs targeting the minorities – ranging from 'love jihad' to 'redi jihad' and 'civil services jihad.' These narratives, generated with little consequence and propagated with bots at low costs create an ambience of hostility and suspicion. This affects inclusive hiring and educational ambition, and invite vigilante behaviour in false morals and business. Public calls for economic boycotts and even genocide have surfaced with increasing frequency in some parts of the country, often in the presence of elected officials, and without official rebuke. This isn't just a social crisis; it's an economic one. Global investors scrutinise political stability, institutional integrity, and human rights when allocating capital. Capital flight from India is also on the rise in the last few years. ESG-driven investment is increasingly risk-averse to countries perceived as polarising or intolerant. From what is hailed as the largest democracy and pluralistic powerhouse, India is at risk to be labelled as 'fragile democracy' if such trends are not curtailed. In India's quest to compete with China, the entire ideology could become the biggest hurdle. China's economic model may be politically repressive, but has remained focused on unified economic integration. Its centralised planning never allowed ethnic or religious identity to override industrial or fiscal priorities. Ethnic minorities are aggressively incorporated, albeit through coercive means, into the workforce and national production chains. Paradoxically, India's path is one of democratic fragmentation and economic dislocation driven by ideological assertiveness. While China invests in industrial zones and technological corridors, India is spending political capital in policing love, food, faith, and dress. The comparison is less about governance styles and more about strategic coherence. One is prioritising growth; the other is at risk of prioritising grievance. The $30 trillion future won't happen by turning diversity into debris India's economic growth has potential: The digital revolution, demographic dividend, and rising middle class. But to make it a reality, the nation must reject the false dichotomy between faith and development. No modern economy has risen to global leadership by alienating a significant segment of its population. The following bold corrective steps are needed to ensure that economic ambition outpaces ideological regression: Separate politics from prejudice: Enforce zero tolerance for hate speech and communal incitement, more so by public figures. Balance free speech with the rule of law. Support minority entrepreneurship: Enhance access to capital through special-purpose financial instruments targeted at under-represented communities. Include inclusion in policy: Mandate discrimination a cognisable offence in housing, education, and lending. Use ESG frameworks to assess religious diversity and equity in private and public institutions. Incentivise cosmopolitanism: Cities must reward mixed-use, diverse neighbourhoods and penalise exclusionary real estate 'society' practices. Migration and urbanisation flourish where identity is irrelevant. Restore institutional neutrality: From universities to regulatory agencies, merit must displace dogma. Institutions should serve the republic, not ideology. Educate against extremism: Invest in public education campaigns and curriculum reform to counter fake narratives and encourage mainstream media to report against hate and false propaganda, and publish articles like this one. The $30 trillion future won't happen by turning diversity into debris. No nation has ever hate-marched its way to high GDP. You can't run a 21 st century economy on 12 th century grudges. If ideology keeps steering the wheel, we won't just miss the bus; we'll be under it. Growth needs unity, not uniformity. Time to choose: ambition, or annihilation.
