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India Today
18-06-2025
- Politics
- India Today
How the Islamist surge in Bangladesh is a threat to India too
A classified intelligence report jointly compiled by several national and regional agencies between August 2024 and March 2025 has revealed a disturbing resurgence of Islamist extremist activity in Bangladesh, posing a significant threat to the country's democratic transition and regional stability. Based on social network analysis, human intelligence and on-ground surveillance, the report traces the regrouping of radical factions in and around Dhaka, linking this phenomenon to an organised effort to derail Bangladesh's political recovery ahead of the national elections recently announced by interim leader Muhammad Yunus for early April intelligence assessment outlines how a hardline Islamist network—drawing elements from Hizb ut-Tahrir, Islamic State and Ansarullah Bangla Team—has been rebuilding its infrastructure, particularly among Dhaka's youth and religious fringe. This network is believed to be the main force behind the mobilisation of the so-called Towhidi Janata mobs, responsible for recent attacks on mazaars (Sufi shrines), minority communities and public institutions. Intelligence officials warn that these groups are operating with an alarming degree of coordination, staging blockades in front of Shahbagh Police Station, RAB headquarters and even Kashimpur Jail, in addition to storming the offices of mainstream newspapers such as Prothom Alo and The Daily Star. Over 50 public 'religious' seminars have been organised in the past six months across Bangladesh—nominally spiritual events, but in fact used to identify, vet and recruit new members for regional extremist has further alarmed intelligence agencies is the systematic establishment of 18 to 20 gymnasiums and martial arts centres around the country. These are not just fitness centres—they serve as hubs of ideological indoctrination and militant training. The new recruits, particularly disillusioned young men mostly from conservative backgrounds, are trained physically and mentally to serve the radical Islamist networks that seek to upset Bangladesh's fragile political the ideological front, three radical preachers—Enayetullah Abbasi, Abu Toha Muhammad Adnan and Rafiqul Islam Madani—are spearheading a campaign of hate speech and veiled incitement to violence. Intelligence reports suggest they have rallied around Mufti Harun Ijhar, a known extremist formerly associated with Hifazat-e-Islam and arrested in 2021. Since August last year, these preachers have travelled extensively across rural districts, publicly endorsing Mufti Ijhar's call for an Islamic revival and using populist rhetoric to present themselves as the voice of 'real Muslims' in opposition to the secular A disturbing layer to this emerging ecosystem is the role of sympathetic media figures. A journalist affiliated with a popular Bangla daily has been named in the report as a key propagandist and enabler of Ijhar's network. This person, closely associated with the daily's editor and a Bangladeshi ideologue, has allegedly worked to suppress coverage of Islamist violence in mainstream media. He also collaborates with controversial YouTuber Elias Hossain to craft misleading narratives that portray Bangladesh as free from extremism—despite mounting evidence to the intelligence report identifies 15 individuals embedded in various professional domains such as healthcare, academia, digital content creation and religious education, who are operating as covert recruiters and propagandists for Hizb ut-Tahrir and Islamic State affiliates. Recruits are often drawn from elite institutions, including the Bangladesh University of Engineering and technology (BUET) and private universities, where they are groomed to act as 'sleeper agents' and 'ideological multipliers'.The report outlines three competing but overlapping hypotheses regarding the motivations of these networks. The first posits that the extremists are deliberately fomenting chaos in order to delay or disrupt the upcoming election and create conditions favourable for a covert military or ideological takeover. The second suggests these groups may be acting at the behest of a powerful interest group—possibly with foreign links—that seeks to prevent the election from taking place on time, thereby preserving a transitional status quo favourable to their strategic interests. The third, longer-term strategy appears to involve weakening the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) through a sustained campaign of propaganda and reducing the BNP's projected seat count and rendering it incapable of forming a stable government, Islamist factions hope to gain parliamentary leverage—particularly under the Yunus government's proposed reforms that grant more power to the opposition. Over time, this could pave the way for an incremental Islamist capture of Bangladesh's political system through legal and electoral which shares a porous 4,096-km border with Bangladesh, has taken note of these developments with deep concern. The resurgence of Islamist extremism in a neighbouring state carries immediate implications for border security, communal harmony in West Bengal and Assam, and cross-border terrorism. The use of digital platforms to radicalise individuals in Bangladesh could easily be replicated across the border, especially in vulnerable minority-dense districts. Indian intelligence officials have already red-flagged signs of ideological spillover and potential infiltration routes being tested along the these threats, the response from the interim Yunus government has been notably restrained. Despite repeated red flags raised by national and foreign security agencies, key figures with open links to internationally proscribed organisations are operating with near impunity. Public seminars, inflammatory sermons and strategic recruitment drives have continued unabated. While Yunus has publicly committed to holding free and fair elections in April 2026, his administration's reluctance to crack down on rising extremism has raised serious questions about its priorities and political calculations. Some analysts believe the leniency stems from an unwillingness to alienate powerful religious groups or stir controversy ahead of elections. Others fear that parts of the interim establishment may view the Islamists as a counterweight to both the Awami League and the joint intelligence report concludes with a warning that unless urgent and coordinated action is taken—both by Dhaka and its regional partners—the Islamist resurgence could reverse years of progress in secular governance and democratic institution-building in Bangladesh. For India, the report serves as a stark reminder that the next phase of regional instability may not arise from across its western frontier—but from its to India Today Magazineadvertisement
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First Post
01-06-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Yunus's obsession with power and support for Islamists are pushing Bangladesh to the brink
Muhammad Yunus likes conflict because he uses it to gain power. Conflict gives him the leeway to pronounce his continuity. He will try to muddy the water to secure as much leverage as he can read more Yunus was supposed to restore normalcy and clear the clutter to initiate the election. Paradoxically, the election does not feature in his political itinerary. Image: AFP The drama of Muhammad Yunus's resignation will not end anytime soon. The octogenarian's love for power is insatiable. He can go to any extent to save his skin and to hold onto power. Bangladeshi Army Chief Waker-Uz-Zaman's insistence on conducting the election in the fag end of this year or early next year and his resentment over Yunus's unbridled use of power despite being an unelected chief advisor have unearthed a feud between the chief advisor and the army chief. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Yunus has jihadis on his side to exercise street veto to ensure continuity. Hizb ut-Tahrir (HuT) reportedly secures patronage from Yunus and expands its tentacles to safeguard the political status quo. Is the resignation drama a dog-whistling? Yunus may encourage antagonism between opposing forces to underline the persistence of the shaky reality of Bangladesh. The impatient Bangladesh requires no compelling trigger to intensify the ongoing chaos. This will ensure the deferral of the electoral process and insurance for his continuity. Nine months have passed since Yunus took power under the carefully planted and measured mechanism called the students' protest, overthrowing Sheikh Hasina for the alleged death of democracy. This is the most convenient phraseology the Western propaganda machinery uses to inflict regime change. Being an American Trojan horse, Yunus did not deviate from pursuing the standard Western line to seize power. Yunus was supposed to restore normalcy and clear the clutter to initiate the election. Paradoxically, the election does not feature in his political itinerary. He behaves more like an elected entity and carries out crucial decisions, signs, and nullifies deals on a whim or to satisfy his bosses. Waker-Uz-Zaman is right to remind Yunus of his duties. This will surely fall on deaf ears. Yunus will not change his colour. He will toe the line that he is told to do. He has been brought to power with a purpose. Unless he does that, his relevance will dissipate. Waker-Uz-Zaman's resentments or concerns will have ripple effects. It is time to see how he exercises his weight as the Army Chief. Inarguably, he wields power and can act as a counterweight to Yunus's jihadi-led street power. The political travesty undoubtedly takes an interesting turn now. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Yunus likes conflict because he uses it to gain power. Conflict gives him the leeway to pronounce his continuity. He will try to muddy the water to secure as much leverage as he can. He weaponises clutter to exercise his relevance. Deception is his survival tactic. Bangladesh has become the battleground for the shadow war between China and the US. Yunus goes to China and makes comments on India's landlocked Northeast. He tactically deployed a slip of the tongue to deliver a message and provoke India. This, Yunus thinks, will make the Chinese happy. The Chinese never foreground emotion. They underline only their interest. On the other hand, Yunus serves the US interest because he was reportedly brought to power by the US deep state. With Yunus as a Trojan horse, the US has entered fully into Bangladesh to check the increasing Chinese interest. Rakhine Corridor The bone of contention between Yunus and Waker-Uz-Zaman is the Rakhine Corridor. The former succumbs to the US interest. The latter construes that the Rakhine corridor compromises Bangladeshi sovereignty. This critical issue puts them at loggerheads. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD China has penetrated significantly into Myanmar. The latter's chronic political instability has helped Beijing to push its interests. Connecting China to the Bay of Bengal through Myanmar is its core strategic objective. This will strengthen China's connectivity architecture and geopolitical footings in the Bay of Bengal region. It will also ease its Malacca dilemma. Rare earth deposits in coastal Myanmar also attract China. The China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) is a Chinese flagship project that includes the ambitious Yunnan-Kyaukphyu oil and gas pipeline, the Kyaukphyu port, and a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Rakhine state. To counter the growing Chinese influence, the US enters the region. There is also reportedly Russian interest in Myanmar. The Russian Su-30 fighter jets in the Junta air force increase the latter's air power to carry out precise strikes at rebel strongholds. The US also pushes its interests to thwart the Chinese hegemony in the region. Since Bangladesh shares a border with the Rakhine state, the US finds the passageway to enter Myanmar. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The US insists that Bangladesh should allow the aid and supplies, including military, medical, and other essentials, to the insurgents in Chin and Rakhine states for their fight against the military junta. The Arakan Army has succeeded in securing territories under its control in Rakhine province. The US emphasises supply routes to strengthen the Arakan Army. The Cox Bazar airport has also become important because of its proximity to Rakhine state. It can be used if the junta intensifies the air attacks on the insurgents. These developments disturb China and its ambitious Yunnan-Kyaukphyu connectivity. Bangladesh's economy depends largely on China. Its military equipment is imported from Beijing. Yunus finds himself between Scylla and Charybdis. He can upset neither China nor the US. He finds himself in the curious middle. China has increasingly come closer to the Junta because of the US support for the Arakan Army. The grey zone war has already begun between the US and China in Myanmar. In the great power rivalry in Myanmar, India may support the Arakan Army to safeguard its interests because of its $484 million land-and-sea Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Corridor (KMMTTC). STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Yunus tiptoes dangerously to secure a place in the middle. Can he really steady his shaky political career in Bangladesh? He has become increasingly unpopular in Bangladesh. His authoritarianism has crossed all conceivable limits. If the Arakan Army and other rebel outfits in Chin and Rakhine states succeed in their fight against the military junta, can there be risks to Bangladesh's sovereignty? They allude to something gravely problematic. The Arakan Army has reportedly gained control of Myanmar's key border points along Bangladesh. Waker-Uz-Zaman understands the volatility of the region and the possible intensification of conflict. Bangladesh is not economically sound to wage any war, small, medium, or large. In case of hostility between Bangladesh and the Arakan Army, the situation of the former may exacerbate beyond repair. Since Yunus entered Bangladesh politics, he has messed up everything. Moreover, his political inexperience, love for power, and weird experimentations will further push Bangladesh to the brink of disaster. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Jajati K Pattnaik is an Associate Professor at the Centre for West Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Chandan K Panda is an Assistant Professor at Rajiv Gandhi University (A Central University), Itanagar. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Sydney Morning Herald
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Sydney Morning Herald
Sydney University staff resisting controversial antisemitism rules
University of Sydney academics will hold a meeting this week attempting to thwart the adoption of a definition of antisemitism that aims to protect Jewish and Israeli students on campus which some staff say unreasonably constricts criticism of Israel. It comes a week after a student meeting to discuss the definition ended in the audience turning their backs on a Jewish speaker while another student effectively called for Israel to cease to exist. The University of Sydney has been the centre of student protests against Israel since the October 7 attacks – playing host to a sprawling pro-Palestinian encampment of university students and activists as well as long-time supporters of Hizb ut-Tahrir – an organisation banned in Germany and Turkey and labelled a terrorist group in Britain. After pressure to act on antisemitism, the university spent $441,789 on an external review, which proposed new civility rules which asked students to explain exactly what they meant when using contentious phrases. Additionally, it adopted the Universities Australia definition of antisemitism, along with more than 30 other institutions, which states criticism of Israel is not in itself antisemitic. 'However, criticism of Israel can be antisemitic when it is grounded in harmful tropes, stereotypes or assumptions and when it calls for the elimination of the State of Israel or all Jews or when it holds Jewish individuals or communities responsible for Israel's actions.' An email invitation about the meeting on Thursday held by Staff for Palestine says: 'This definition, which has been imposed on the university community unilaterally, treats criticism of Israel and of Zionism as likely to be antisemitic.' 'The definition constitutes a serious obstacle to staff and students' intellectual freedom, and to our ability to campaign for an end to the genocide in Gaza, for the academic boycott of Israeli institutions, and for justice for everyone in the Middle East regardless of their faith, background or ethnicity. 'Our position is that no one kind of racism should be treated as more serious than others, including by being the object of standalone definitions.'
The Age
26-05-2025
- Politics
- The Age
The Sydney University staff resisting controversial antisemitism rules
University of Sydney academics will hold a meeting this week attempting to thwart the adoption of a definition of antisemitism that aims to protect Jewish and Israeli students on campus which some staff say unreasonably constricts criticism of Israel. It comes a week after a student meeting to discuss the definition ended in the audience turning their backs on a Jewish speaker while another student effectively called for Israel to cease to exist. The University of Sydney has been the centre of student protests against Israel since the October 7 attacks – playing host to a sprawling pro-Palestinian encampment of university students, activists as well as long-time supporters of Hizb ut-Tahrir – an organisation banned in Germany and Turkey and labelled a terrorist group in the United Kingdom. After pressure to act on antisemitism, the Sydney University spent $441,789 on an external review, which proposed new civility rules which asked students to explain exactly what they meant when using contentious phrases. Additionally, it adopted the Universities Australia definition of antisemitism, along with more than 30 other institutions, which states criticism of Israel is not in itself antisemitic. 'However, criticism of Israel can be antisemitic when it is grounded in harmful tropes, stereotypes or assumptions and when it calls for the elimination of the State of Israel or all Jews or when it holds Jewish individuals or communities responsible for Israel's actions.' An email invitation about the meeting on Thursday held by Staff for Palestine says: 'This definition, which has been imposed on the university community unilaterally, treats criticism of Israel and of Zionism as likely to be antisemitic.' 'The definition constitutes a serious obstacle to staff and students' intellectual freedom, and to our ability to campaign for an end to the genocide in Gaza, for the academic boycott of Israeli institutions, and for justice for everyone in the Middle East regardless of their faith, background or ethnicity. 'Our position is that no one kind of racism should be treated as more serious than others, including by being the object of standalone definitions.'
Sydney Morning Herald
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Sydney Morning Herald
The Sydney University staff resisting controversial antisemitism rules
University of Sydney academics will hold a meeting this week attempting to thwart the adoption of a definition of antisemitism that aims to protect Jewish and Israeli students on campus which some staff say unreasonably constricts criticism of Israel. It comes a week after a student meeting to discuss the definition ended in the audience turning their backs on a Jewish speaker while another student effectively called for Israel to cease to exist. The University of Sydney has been the centre of student protests against Israel since the October 7 attacks – playing host to a sprawling pro-Palestinian encampment of university students, activists as well as long-time supporters of Hizb ut-Tahrir – an organisation banned in Germany and Turkey and labelled a terrorist group in the United Kingdom. After pressure to act on antisemitism, the Sydney University spent $441,789 on an external review, which proposed new civility rules which asked students to explain exactly what they meant when using contentious phrases. Additionally, it adopted the Universities Australia definition of antisemitism, along with more than 30 other institutions, which states criticism of Israel is not in itself antisemitic. 'However, criticism of Israel can be antisemitic when it is grounded in harmful tropes, stereotypes or assumptions and when it calls for the elimination of the State of Israel or all Jews or when it holds Jewish individuals or communities responsible for Israel's actions.' An email invitation about the meeting on Thursday held by Staff for Palestine says: 'This definition, which has been imposed on the university community unilaterally, treats criticism of Israel and of Zionism as likely to be antisemitic.' 'The definition constitutes a serious obstacle to staff and students' intellectual freedom, and to our ability to campaign for an end to the genocide in Gaza, for the academic boycott of Israeli institutions, and for justice for everyone in the Middle East regardless of their faith, background or ethnicity. 'Our position is that no one kind of racism should be treated as more serious than others, including by being the object of standalone definitions.'
