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'Kept pleading for help': BJP's Nishikant Dubey cites declassified files to slam Nehru's foreign policy
'Kept pleading for help': BJP's Nishikant Dubey cites declassified files to slam Nehru's foreign policy

Time of India

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Time of India

'Kept pleading for help': BJP's Nishikant Dubey cites declassified files to slam Nehru's foreign policy

BJP MP Nishikant Dubey NEW DELHI: BJP MP Nishikant Dubey on Monday launched a sharp attack on the Congress, targeting former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru over his handling of the 1962 Indo-China war. Referring to Nehru's appeals during the conflict, Dubey said, 'Nehru kept pleading for help.' The remark came in response to the Congress party 's criticism of external affairs minister S Jaishankar for 'informing' Pakistan about Operation Sindoor . In retaliation, Dubey took to X to highlight what he called the flawed foreign policy of previous Congress governments, especially under Nehru. Dubey posted a letter written by Nehru to then US President John F Kennedy, calling it 'the second letter written by Iron Lady's father Nehru ji to the American President during the China war. He kept pleading for help.' Sarcastically attacking Nehru's diplomatic approach, Dubey added, 'Pakistan is a brother, a friend, a good neighbour, we will reach an agreement with them, everything was written. But carefully read the excellent foreign policy of the great Nehru ji.' According to Dubey, the US passed Nehru's letter to then Pakistani military ruler Ayub Khan . 'America sent this letter to Pakistan's military ruler Ayub Khan. After seeing this letter, did we give Pakistan a chance to attack India in 1965 or not? What can be said about the person who tells the country's weaknesses to foreigners, especially Pakistan?' Earlier in the day, Dubey also responded to Congress leader Pawan Khera's post on X by digging further into history. He referenced another letter, Nehru's 1945 communication to British Prime Minister Clement Attlee regarding Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.

From The Hindu, May 27, 1975: America's concern over NATO's health
From The Hindu, May 27, 1975: America's concern over NATO's health

The Hindu

time26-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hindu

From The Hindu, May 27, 1975: America's concern over NATO's health

Washington, May 26: On the eve of President Ford's visit to Europe this week to attend the NATO conference in Brussels some of the preoccupation here has been with the current health of the alliance, and what, if anything, the U.S. can do to rejuvenate it. The latter, of course, is based on the assumption that the U.S., now that its rid of its self-imposed Indo-China burden, is in a position to pay more attention to Europe, and that the U.S. allies on the other side of the Atlantic believe that the Ford Administration is willing and able to provide the leadership and initiative needed to modernise the NATO and strengthen the collaboration among its members. The Atlantic alliance, as viewed from this side of the Ocean, has developed serious symptoms of consumption. The south western flank of the NATO has frayed, with Portugal threatening to go communist or neutral — only last week Mr. Ford was talking darkly about the likely necessity of expelling Portugal from the alliance. The suggestion that Spain be induced to take the place of Portugal is not expected to win the approval of the Europeans who dislike General Franco. The Ford Administration's recent success in inducing the Senate to lift the embargo on arms to Turkey (imposed as a punishment for its invasion of Cyprus) may prove temporary if the House of Representatives, which is more pro-Greek, reverses, as many expect it will, the narrow (40 to 41) vote in the Upper House — this could push Turkey to carry out its threat about leaving the NATO and leave the south-eastern flank of the NATO also in serious trouble.

Designing National War Memorial in Delhi was an emotional journey: Chennai-based architect
Designing National War Memorial in Delhi was an emotional journey: Chennai-based architect

Time of India

time22-05-2025

  • General
  • Time of India

Designing National War Memorial in Delhi was an emotional journey: Chennai-based architect

Yogesh Chandrahasan CHENNAI: Every evening at sunset, the lights are switched on with a special remembrance ceremony at the National War Memorial, New Delhi. The family of one of the 25,000 martyrs is invited to lay a wreath in their memory, in the innermost sanctum. 'This ceremony was something we never planned. It evolved over the years, but it has turned out to be the most emotional part of the whole journey,' says Chennai-based Yogesh Chandrahasan, principal architect, whose firm designed the memorial. Yogesh spoke recently as part of Museum Day celebrations at the DakshinaChitra museum, where he mentioned how it was the thought process they pitched, more than the architectural elements, which won them the design contest which had 450 final entries from across the country. 'I've attended a few of the evening ceremonies, which are closed to the public. Some families raise slogans, some remain silent. At times, a mother or someone dear to the martyr holds my hands and breaks down; it wasn't just a building project for me.' The memorial, which was built in 2017, contains name plates of nearly 25,000 Indian soldiers who lost their lives in the post-independence wars and operations including the Indo-China and Indo-Pakistan wars. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like [Ativar Agora] - Licença de antivírus para PC Clique aqui Undo 'Another 3,000 tablets have been left blank, for future martyrs.' The inspiration for the entire project, says Yogesh, were the words of Captain Vikram Bhatra, an Indian Army officer who was posthumously awarded the Param Vir Chakra. He had stated before leaving for the Kargil war that he would surely be back, 'either hosting the tricolour or wrapped in it.' 'Memorials are generally considered a place of death and mourning, but we wanted it to be a place where the martyrs come alive, which is why we proposed the idea of rebirth as the theme.' The idea was initially met with hesitation as it's an essentially Hindu concept, but the soldiers are reborn here metaphorically, not in a physical or religious sense, says Yogesh. National War Memorial The memorial is structured as four concentric circles with an 'eternal flame at the centre' which never goes off, and that is perceived as the centre of rebirth.' The four circles symbolise protection, sacrifice, bravery and rebirth, and each has its own significance. The first, for example, stands for the line of control and is created using 700 trees, which represent the soldiers who stand guard at the point day and night. 'The trees also control the microclimate during summers; while the circle of sacrifice is made with red stone signifying the blood shed for the country,' he says. Stories of various battles have been added as murals, which add an artistic layer to the structure. 'I didn't want it to be just another memorial, but one where visitors can connect to the soldiers as people, where certain emotions are evoked at every level.'

From separatist to nationalist—a look at DMK's patriotism
From separatist to nationalist—a look at DMK's patriotism

The Print

time17-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Print

From separatist to nationalist—a look at DMK's patriotism

'This is a crucial moment to express our unwavering support for the Indian Army, which has bravely defended the nation against cross-border terrorism and incursions,' he stated. In a statement on 9 May, Stalin said a rally was being organised to honour the bravery, sacrifice and dedication of the Indian Army and to strengthen national unity. Chennai: Soon after India launched Operation Sindoor on 7 May targeting terror infrastructure in Pakistan in the wake of the Pahalgam attack, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, leader of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), was among the first people to laud the Indian Army. A day later, Stalin, with senior officials of the government, led the solidarity rally in Chennai. The move, according to one political analyst, was an attempt to showcase the DMK's patriotism as the party has previously been tagged as 'secessionist' because of its demand for a separate Dravida Nadu, and later for speaking up for state autonomy. Not just this time, the DMK, in a bid to shed the tag, has raised its voice verbosely in support of the army every time there have been border tensions. The only exception was when the Indian Army intervened in Sri Lanka during 1987-1990. Speaking to ThePrint, political analyst Maalan Narayanan said the DMK was under compulsion to organise a solidarity rally to give credit to the Indian Army, and not the BJP-led NDA government at the Centre which had empowered the forces by giving them a free hand to respond to terror activities emanating from across the border with Pakistan. 'DMK has been talking against Union government policies, including the new education policy. They even went to the Supreme Court against the Governor and got orders in favour of the state. So, to wipe it off and showcase their patriotism, they organised such a rally,' he said. Tamil National Liberation Movement general secretary Thozhar Thiyagu termed the rally by the DMK as 'unwanted'. The socio-political organisation focuses on Tamil national identity and the rights and aspirations of the Tamil people. 'The party never had any policy on foreign affairs. They have always been in favour of the Union government's external policy as long as it does not affect electoral prospects in the state. They have always been in favour of the army and its actions,' Thiyagu told ThePrint. Also Read: India-Pakistan conflict is a sandbox for China's peacekeeping pretensions 'Support to Army does not mean support to Centre' The DMK, founded in 1949, had demanded the creation of a separate Dravida Nadu until 1962. During the Indo-China war of 1962, following then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's appeal that parties give up their regional demands and unite, DMK general secretary C.N. Annadurai, fondly called Anna (elder brother), gave up the demand. According to a paper titled 'Contextualising Charismatic Leadership: An analysis of Tamil Nationalism' by R Thirunavukkarasu, Anna also appealed from prison to fight against Chinese aggression. 'Possible ban on such separatist movements by the central government could have forced Annadurai to give up his separation demand,' Thirunavukkarasu noted. Thiyagu recalled that the then DMK party had even collected money for the China war. 'The party leader Annadurai even appealed to the people to support the country by donating the gold jewels they had saved,' he said. K. Ramakrishnan, leader of anti-caste outfit Thanthai Periyar Dravidar Kazhagam and an ardent follower of Periyar, said support to the Indian Army did not mean support to the Centre. 'Even during the China war in 1962 and Indo-Pakistan War of 1965, Anna criticised the Congress-led central government over its defence policies, but supported national unity against external aggression. Support to the Indian Army does not mean support to the central government,' he said. After giving up the demand for a separate Dravida Nadu, Anna had famously said, 'I have only given up the Dravida Nadu demand. But, not even one of the reasons for seeking Dravida Nadu.' Until 2018, Stalin had been reiterating the same. 'Anna had said that though we give up the demand for Dravida Nadu, the reasons for the demand still hold good,' he said in 2018. DMK backs the Army A close look at reactions of the DMK since its formation shows the party has supported the Indian Army irrespective of who was in power at the Centre. It was only in 1990 that then CM and DMK leader M. Karunanidhi chose not to attend the official welcome ceremony for the Indian Peace-Keeping Force (IPKF) in Chennai, when the troops returned from Sri Lanka. The IPKF was deployed in Sri Lanka under the 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka accord to enforce a ceasefire and disarm Tamil militants, including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) led by V. Prabhakaran. However, the IPKF faced criticism for its failure to achieve peace and there were allegations of civilian death, rapes and aerial attacks on Tamil villages in Sri Lanka. According to Thiyagu, Karunanidhi had supported the IPKF operations. 'When they were first sent to Sri Lanka, he was the first person to support it. Since the IPKF's actions might affect the electoral prospects of the party in Tamil Nadu, he did not attend the welcome ceremony. The party's 2024 Lok Sabha election manifesto has nothing about the Tamils in Sri Lanka,' Thiyagu said. The DMK has previously too voiced support for the Indian Army. In the Indo-Pakistan war of 1965, the party supported the army efforts but was critical of the Congress-led central government over its economic policies. Similarly, in the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war, Karunanidhi strongly supported India's role in the conflict and even praised then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Speaking in the assembly in 1971, Karunanidhi lauded it as a 'heroic victory' and extended Tamil Nadu's full support. 'Tamil Nadu stands with the nation in this triumph for justice,' he said. In 1999, the DMK, which was part of the National Democratic Alliance led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee, unequivocally supported the Indian Army operations in Kargil and praised the Centre. In a statement in 1999, Karunanidhi said: 'The Indian Army has shown unparalleled courage in Kargil and Tamil Nadu salutes our martyrs.' Then in 2016, following a terrorist attack on an Indian Army base in Uri of Jammu & Kashmir, India conducted surgical strikes across the Line of Control (LoC). The DMK, which was then the opposition party in Tamil Nadu, supported the action. However, Stalin, then working president of the party, urged the Centre to strengthen border security. 'The DMK stands firmly with our armed forces in their fight against terrorism. The surgical strikes are a bold step to deter Pakistan's nefarious designs,' Stalin had said in a statement in September 2016. In 2019, the DMK supported the army's actions during the Balakot airstrikes as well, but Stalin also warned the BJP-led central government against politicising the matter. 'The IAF's strike in Balakot is a fitting reply to Pakistan's terrorism. The DMK salutes our forces. Let us not politicise their bravery,' he wrote on X. He also accused the BJP of using the Balakot strikes for votes. (Edited by Nida Fatima Siddiqui) Also Read: Periyar bashing gained NTK's Seeman an unlikely ally in BJP. But will it yield electoral gains

Historically India-Pakistan war did not derail equities but impacts GDP: JM Financial
Historically India-Pakistan war did not derail equities but impacts GDP: JM Financial

India Gazette

time12-05-2025

  • Business
  • India Gazette

Historically India-Pakistan war did not derail equities but impacts GDP: JM Financial

New Delhi [India], May 12 (ANI): Despite the potential for heightened geopolitical tensions between India and Pakistan to escalate into a military conflict, the Indian equity markets are unlikely to see a significant negative impact, according to a recent report by JM Financial. The report draws on historical data to support its view, noting that while equity markets have largely remained resilient during past conflicts, the broader economy has not been as immune. It said 'Past data suggests that the Indian equity markets have not been negatively impacted significantly during such conflicts, but the Indian economy has been adversely affected'. The report highlighted that during previous wars -- including the Indo-China war of 1962, and Indo-Pak conflicts of 1965, 1971, and the Kargil war in 1999 -- Indian equity markets have shown limited adverse reactions. However, the economic fallout from such wars has been more pronounced. The report noted that the Indian economy experienced a contraction of 0.8 per cent during the 1962 Indo-China war. A more substantial impact was seen following the Indo-Pak war in 1965, when GDP growth declined by 2.6 per cent in that year, following a robust expansion of 7.5 per cent in 1964. Similarly, in 1971, although GDP did not shrink, the conflict led to a marked slowdown -- growth slipped to 1.6 per cent from 5.2 per cent in the previous year. Interestingly, the Kargil conflict of 1999 stands out as an exception. That year, India's GDP growth actually improved to 8.9 per cent from 6.2 per cent in 1998, suggesting that the economic impact of conflicts can vary based on external conditions and internal resilience. While pointing out the vulnerabilities of GDP during wartime, the report also mentioned that the Indian economy today is significantly larger and more resilient than it was during any of the past conflicts. Structural reforms, diversified economic activities, and stronger macroeconomic fundamentals are likely to provide a buffer against the full-blown economic shocks typically associated with armed conflicts. Overall, while equities may remain relatively stable, any military escalation could still dent India's GDP performance, albeit less severely than in the past, given the country's current economic robustness. (ANI)

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